In South Carolina. 489 



And it is unconstitutional because it is not Protestant. Our fifth 

 article says: "The Holy Scriptures contain all things necessary to 

 salvation, so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved 

 thereby, is not to be required of any man that it should be believed 

 as an article of faith, or be thought requisite or necessary to salva- 

 tion." And the twenty-third article says: "The president, the con- 

 gress, the general assemblies, the governors, and the councils of 

 state, as the delegates of the people are the rulers of the United 

 States of America, according to the division of power made to them 

 by the Constitution of the United States, and by the constitutions 

 of their respective States." , Now, there is no injunction of the 

 Holy Scriptures more positive than that which respects submission 

 to the civil power; this power is recognized in our twenty-third 

 article as existing in the general assemblies, etc., according to the 

 constitutions of the respective States, and yet the resolution before 

 us sets aside the injunction of the Scriptures, and the authority of 

 the constitution and laws of Georgia, and makes your ipse dixit, 

 uttered by the force of Northern prejudices, the supreme rule for the 

 bishop's conduct — a rule which he must observe with or without his 

 conscience, and for or against humanity and religion, or be laid 

 aside from the holy duties of his sacred office because you arbitra- 

 ril f demand it from your chair of ecclesiastical supremacy. I say 

 this is not Protestant, and that it is unconstitutional because it is 

 contrary to Protestantism. 



And it is unconstitutional, yet again, because it is inconsistent 

 with the great object for which the Church has been constituted, as 

 it must impede and hinder the course of our ministry in many of 

 the States, and debar our access altogether to large portions of the 

 colored population. 



I beseech brethren to allow clue weight to the considerations 

 which have been so kindly and ably urged by others on this branch 

 of the subject. I contemplate it, I confess, with a bleeding heart. 

 Never, never have I suffered as in view of the evil which this 

 measure threatens against the South. The agitation has already 

 begun there, and I tell you that though our hearts were to be torn 

 out of our bodies it could avail nothing when once you have 

 awakened the feeling that we cannot be trusted among the slaves. 

 Once you have done this thing, you have effectually destroyed us. 

 I could wish to die sooner than live to see such a day. As sure as 

 you live, brethren, there are tens of thousands, nay, hundreds of 

 thousands, whose destiny may be periled by your decision on this 



