No. XXIX.] APPENDIX. 351 



Russell, to gratify the wish that the wealth and talent of the country 

 should be entirely deprived of all influence in the country ? 



Palmerston is no more! Final Reform is therefore attempted, for 

 there is no one now in the Government to support order and prevent 

 anarchy. 



Agitators agree that the franchise should be extended to every one 

 who is not independent, and to whom the sale of a vote is an object. To 

 extend the franchise to 6 householders would not be final, for other 

 agitators would put in a claim for 5, and afterwards to 4, 3, 2, and 

 1. After this, why should not the non -householders have a vote ? for 

 money would be as useful to them as it is to the householder ; and, 

 following out the same idea, when all men have the suffrage, it would be 

 demanded for women and children, who would have as much right to 

 receive remuneration for their votes as men have. 



Earl Russell knows well that money has kept his Ministry in power ; 

 nobody knows better than the ministerial whip how many thousands the 

 last election cost, and who can so well tell as those who were in the thick 

 of the fight how the tens and hundreds of thousands were divided amongst 

 the electors ? Had not every borough its price, which could be ascertained 

 from the agent to the Reform Club, and the names of the voters in each 

 borough who got their 2, 5, 10, and 20 ? for their vote is registered 

 in heaven, even if the register on earth cannot be found to be produced 

 before a parliamentary inquiry. 



Money is the clue to final Reform. Every borough has a price, 

 increasing or diminishing, according to the doctrine of supply and 

 demand. Afford a fair market to parliamentary representation, and 

 final Reform is accomplished ; that is, if you give credence to my Lord 

 Russell. 



The Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill, is comprised in the 

 grand idea SELL THE PLACES IN PARLIAMENT BY AUCTION, to the 

 highest bidder, and divide the money amongst the voters. 



Final Reform has the rare and singular merit of extinguishing 

 Reform. Reform being no more, leaves the Reform Club a house 

 without a purpose, and the house can then be sold for a parliamentary 

 auction mart. 



Perched in a rostrum in the central hall, Earl Russell might be 

 entrusted with the office of auctioneer, and thrilling will be the effect 

 when Leeds, Chester, and South Lancashire, on the next election, are 

 knocked down to the happy aspirants to political power. 



If the Reform Club be sold to the State, how excited will be the 

 feelings of many of its members when the conveyance is effected ! How 

 many, for the first time, will have the extreme gratification of finding 

 themselves possessed of some portion of this earth's wealth ! 



The auction final Reform will doubtless bring out the financial tact 

 of Gladstone. Has he not already made the State a trader in 

 Assurance ? And has he not shown skill in making his poor Post-office 

 proteges perform their duties for nothing ? With such rare expedients, 

 shall not the Ministry be able to command money for a parliamentary 

 majority ? If sorely pressed, could Gladstone not make the post-office a 

 vehicle for the sale of milk ? and how great would be the profit if the 

 work can be done without further pay for rent, labour, and risk. Even if 



