434 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. 



gradually ; but long before tbe names Toty and Whig came into use, 

 the parties were becoming traceable, and their connections with mili- 

 tancy and industrialism respectively were vaguely shown. The truth 

 is familiar that here, as elsewhere, it was habitually by town-popula- 

 tions, formed of workers and traders accustomed to co-operate under 

 contract, that resistances were made to that coercive rule which char- 

 acterizes co-operation under status. While conversely, support of co- 

 operation under status, arising from, and adjusted to, chronic warfare, 

 came from rural districts, originally peopled by military chiefs and 

 their dependents, which retained the primitive ideas and traditions. 

 Moreover, this contrast in political leanings, shown before Whig and 

 Tory principles became clearly distinguished, continued to be shown 

 afterward. At the period of the Revolution, " while the villages and 

 smaller towns were monopolized by Tories, the larger cities, the manu- 

 facturing districts, and the ports of commerce, formed the strongholds 

 of the Whigs " ; and that, spite of exceptions, the like general relation 

 still exists, needs no proving. 



Such were the natures of the two parties as indicated by their ori- 

 gins. Observe, now, how their natures were indicated by their early 

 doctrines and deeds. Whiggism began with resistance to Charles II 

 and his cabal, in their efforts to re-establish unchecked monarchical 

 power. The Whigs "regarded the monarchy as a civil institution, 

 established by the nation for the benefit of all its members " ; while 

 with the Tories " the monarch was the delegate of Heaven." And these 

 doctrines involved the beliefs, the one that subjection of citizen to 

 ruler was conditional, and the other that it was unconditional. De- 

 scribing Whig and Tory as conceived at the end of the seventeenth 

 century, some fifty years before he wrote his " Dissertation on Par- 

 ties," Bolingbroke says : 



The power and majesty of the people, an original contract, the authority and 

 independency of Parliaments, liberty, resistance, exclusion, abdication, deposi- 

 tion ; these were ideas associated, at that time, to the idea of a Whig, and sup- 

 posed by every Whig to be incommunicable, and inconsistent with the idea of a 

 Tory. 



Divine, hereditary, indefeasible right, lineal succession, passive-obedience, 

 prerogative, non-resistance, slavery, nay, and sometimes popery too, were asso- 

 ciated in many minds to the idea of a Tory, and deemed incommunicable and 

 inconsistent, in the same manner, with the idea of a Whig (" Dissertation on 

 Parties," p. 5). 



And if we compare these descriptions, we see that in the one party 

 there was a desire to resist and decrease the coercive power of the ruler 

 over the subject, and in the other party to maintain or increase his 

 coercive power. This distinction in their aims — a distinction which 

 transcends in meaning and importance all other political distinctions — 

 was displayed in their early doings. Whig principles were exempli- 

 fied in the Habeas Corpus Act, and in the measure by which judges 



