FRANCE. 



305 



tions to civil war. M. Raoul Duvol charged 

 the ministry with a change of opinion. M. Si- 

 mon replied that in different political situations 

 different doctrines might be held. In presence 

 of a strong and despotic government, theories 

 on the press might be discussed. The men of 

 that Government were now a minority, seeking 

 to overturn the established regime. In such a 

 cituation, the Government must refuse arms to 

 that militant faction which would use them 

 against the Republic. In view of the law about 

 to be repealed, a humiliating attitude would 

 best become the Bonapartists who passed it. 

 The Chamber would simply revive the law ex- 

 isting under ' a constitutional system before 

 France underwent the shame of despotism. 

 This speech was applauded by the Left and 

 Centre. 



On February 22d M. Simon appointed 53 new 

 sub-prefects, a change of officers which had 

 long been expected, but did not prove satisfac- 

 tory to any of the parties ; the Republicans de- 

 ciring a radical sweep, and the other parties be- 

 ing opposed to any change. In the Senate, 

 which had met again early in February, M. 

 Dufaur de Gavardie, of the Right, on February 

 27th, introduced a motion for the dismissal of 

 M. Simon by President MacMahon, on account 

 of the minister's former connection with the 

 International Association. The Senate, how- 

 ever, refused to allow M. de Gavardie to pro- 

 ceed with his motion. The death of General 

 Charigarnier created a vacancy among the life- 

 senators. The Left nominated M. Alfred An- 

 dre, of the Left Centre, and an orthodox Prot- 

 estant, while all the factions of the Right again, 

 as in 18Y6, united upon one candidate, M. Du- 

 puy de L6me, a Bonapartist. The latter was 

 elected, on March 10th, by a vote of 142 to 140. 

 On March 6th the Legitimist organs published 

 a speech delivered by the Count de Chambord, 

 at Goritz, to a deputation of merchants from 

 Marseilles. The speech was as follows : 



I thank you, gentlemen, for having felt that you 

 will find, by coining to me, help and counsel amid 

 existing difficulties. You have told me of the dis- 

 quietudes which paralyze in France the elasticity of 

 public prosperity with a frankness for which I thank 

 you. You nave not, moreover, disguised the persist- 

 ent calumnies which attack truth not less than my 

 honor. Yes, 1 know it already, people have pre- 

 sumed to say that in order to remain in an easy re- 

 pose I left France in peril, and renounced all hope of 

 saving her. It is by this detestable falsehood, against 

 which I protest, that the enemies of the tutelary 

 principle of hereditary monarchy keep up doubt in 

 men's minds, trouble and discouragement in their 

 souls. Discouragement, gentlemen tl ere is the 

 great peril which I point out to you, and which it is 

 necessary to combat. The Revolution is in its proper 

 role in seeking to abuse public credulity ; but I re- 

 main firm in my rights, and perfectly resolved to do 

 my duty when the propitious hour for my direct and 

 personal action shall arrive. I ask my friends, and 

 all men of good intentions, to pave the way for it 

 and to have confidence. With their cooperation, if it 

 please God, the monarchy will not leave free course 

 either to the ventures of the Empire or the violence 

 of Radicalism, which preludes the triumph of which 

 it thinks itself already assured in insulting all that 

 VOL. xvji. 20 A 



a nation is bound to respect, if it will itself be re- 

 spected the clergy and the magistracy that is to 

 say, Religion and Justice, and the Army, that living 

 image of the people and of its honor. As you hve 

 come to me } say, on your return, what are the firm 

 resolutions inspired in me by my love for France, 

 and the events which menace her. 



On March 16th, the Chamber of Deputies 

 considered the request of the Government for 

 authority to prosecute Deputy Paul de Cassa- 

 gnac, for violation of the press laws. M. de Cas- 

 sagnac commenced by charging the Republi- 

 cans with having, for 80 years, advocated liberty, 

 and in its name overturned all monarchies, and 

 he asked what justification there could be for 

 the Republic if it did not renounce what it. 

 considered the mistakes and abuses of mon- 

 archy. He admitted that he himself was no 

 partisan of the liberty of the press, but he 

 claimed to be judged by the doctrines of the 

 party in power. Now, the extreme section of 

 that party, having the feeling of reciprocity, 

 and being as ready to receive as to give blows, 

 were against the prosecution, which was sup- 

 ported by the Moderates, who wanted nothing 

 of the Republic but the name. He denied hav- 

 ing attacked the Chamber itself, though he had 

 attacked particular Deputies and groups ; and, 

 even if otherwise, the Chambers, since 1819, 

 had been sole judges of attacks on themselves. 

 His articles were directed against the Republic 

 as a form of government, but he had always 

 declared that he would respect the existing 

 Government till 1880. He next referred to M. 

 Simon's former advocacy of liberty of theprees 

 and other extreme doctrines, and charged him 

 with leniency toward demagogic papers, and 

 he urged that the Marshal and the Senate were 

 attacked with impunity, while the Bonapartists 

 were insulted even in the Chamber. This nat- 

 urally provoked a certain warmth of language. 

 For putting in practice M. Simon's own doc- 

 trines, he was now exposed to 14 days' imprison- 

 ment and a fine of 20,000 francs. He hoped that 

 MM. Simon, Ferry, and others who formerly 

 voted against the Rochefort and Ranc prosecu- 

 tions, would vote against this. He should ac- 

 cept with respect the decision of the Chamber, 

 but if called to appear before the justice of his 

 country he should do so unabashed. M. Simon, 

 in reply, said the question was one concerning 

 the welfare of society, and had nothing to do 

 with the liberty of the press, which is, and will 

 remain, his passion. He asked authorization to 

 prosecute, because M. de Cassagnac had at- 

 tacked the Government with extreme violence, 

 and had thus committed, through the press, an 

 offense at common law. It was not an offense 

 of doctrine or of thought, but an offense which 

 no Government could tolerate. The prosecu- 

 tion was by virtue of an existing law, which 

 must be enforced till abolished. The articles 

 were full of insults, and might be characterized 

 as inciting to civil war. In reply to the charge 

 that other newspapers were not punished, the 

 minister replied that this was so untrue, that 

 the day on which he asked authorization to 



