DEMO CRA CY AND A VERA GE FA C UL TIES 2 2 1 



required by any one of them. It is true that even Book in 

 in such cases as these there will most probably be 

 leaders, of some sort, but they will be leaders by 

 accident, and the others will be their comrades 

 rather than their subordinates. Of the simple 

 demands which the many can formulate and insist and formulate 

 upon unaided, we may take as an example a demand ^rapies* 

 for the abolition of a tax which distresses in an demands - 

 obvious way multitudes of men equally ; or a 

 demand for the continuance of a war, in which the 

 issues at stake are sufficiently apparent to anybody 

 who can read a newspaper. The protest against 

 the tax by the multitudes of men whom it harasses, 

 and the national demand, when it arises, for the 

 continuance of such a war, are phenomena which 

 are absolutely democratic. They are each the sum 

 of a number of spontaneous feelings and reasonings. 

 They do not require any leader to stimulate them ; 

 and all who contribute to their force do so in an 

 equal degree. 



But the moment we come to cases of any com- The moment 



. ... T r i -1 matters 



plexity the situation changes. It the negro s guilt become at aii 

 could be established only by inference, the lynchers Stks'of the 

 would have to be convinced of it by some clever n ^n^r nal 

 advocate. If the lynching itself were a matter of rec i uired - 

 extreme difficulty, the lynchers would require to be 

 commanded by the boldest and shrewdest of their 

 number. If the tax protested against were indirect, 

 if its injurious effects were hard to detect and 

 realise, and if it were capable of being represented as 

 less injurious than any other, men of exceptional 



