252 



IRELAN'D. 



'listor?. plies for the payment of the national debt to the crown 

 """V" for 21 years, instead of only from one session to an- 

 other ; but a motion to this effect was negatived in the 

 House of Commons, by a majority of one. 



At length, in 1745, when a rebellion raged in the 

 heart of Britain, and when the British ministry, con- 

 scious of the harsh and unjust manner in which they 

 had treated Ireland, were apprehensive that she also 

 would encourage the Pretender, they sent over the ce- 

 lebrated Karl of Chesterfield, who so well discharged 

 his duty, that he discountenanced all party distinctions ; 

 gave to the Catholics the full protection of the laws ; 

 and, by similar conduct in other respects, prevented the 

 Irish even from indulging a wish to support the Pre- 

 tender ; so that the unexpected and singular spectacle 

 was exhibited, of Ireland tranquil and loyal, at a time 

 when Scotland, and even' England, teemed with fa- 

 vourers of the exiled family: a decided proof, that confi- 

 dence, liberality, justice, and kindness, possess more 

 influence over the Irish nation than harshness, suspi- 

 cion, and violence. To the disgrace of the British go- 

 vernment, they permitted Ireland to enjoy the benefit 

 of such a lord-lieutenant only till they were free from 

 danger ; for, immediately after the battle of Culloden, 

 Lord Chesterfield was recalled. 



Scarcely had he left Ireland, when intrigues and par- 

 ty spirit revived. At the head of the English interest 

 was a prelate of the name of Stone, who was raised to 

 the supremacy as a reward for his past, and a retaining 

 fee for his future services. Perhaps, in few instances, 

 has the church ever been disgraced by such a worth- 

 less and profligate character ; his public conduct, as well 

 as his private, was totally without principle, and pro- 

 ved, that with all principle he had thrown aside all 

 shame. At the head of the patriots were Henry Boyle, 

 Speaker of the House of Commons, and an apothecary 

 of the name of Lucas. The latter was a man of un- 

 daunted spirit, and of great activity of mind, and both 

 were employed in investigating and promulgating what 

 he considered the rights of his country. His publica- 

 tions on this subject gave such alarm to Government, 

 that the attorney-general was directed to prosecute him. 

 In consequence of this he left his country ; but after- 

 wards returned, and was elected to parliament by the 

 city of Dublin. 



In 1749, the power of the Irish parliament was again 

 brought under discussion, in consequence of the in- 

 tended application of the surplus of the hereditary re- 

 venue of the crown towards the payment of the na- 

 tional debt. The question was, whether the right of 

 disposing of this surplus was vested in the king or the 

 Irish House of Commons; or, in other words, whether 

 his majesty's previous consent was necessary. At this 

 time the English party gained their point; but when 

 the question was renewed in 1753, the patriots were 

 victorious. 



A. D. 17.35. At length, in 1755, the British government seemed 

 disposed to accede to the wishes of the Irish nation, 

 and to think that the real interests of Ireland ought, 

 at least in some degree, to be consulted. Stone was re- 

 moved from the privy council by the king's command ; 

 Boyle was created Earl of Shannon ; and several others 

 of the patriots were placed in situations of emolument 

 and influence. But it sooa became evident that the 

 patriots, as they styled themselves, had carried on the 

 struggle with the crown, rather to support and extend 

 their own influence, than from any regard to the wishes, 

 or real benefit of the people. In fact, it had been too 

 much the struggle of the aristocratic party against the 



Dispute a- 

 bout vested 

 .rights. 

 A. D. 1749 



crown ; and while they were kept out of office, they History, 

 took the side of the people, in order to strengthen **"%"* 

 themselves, which they were too much disposed to de- 

 sert when they had brought the crown to their own 

 terms. 



In 1 756, the real sentiments of the aristocracy were 

 displayed : A bill was brought into parliament, to va- 

 cate the seats of such members of the House of Com- 

 mons as should accept any pension or place of profit 

 from the crown. This bill was thrown out by a majo- 

 rity of 26. As the passing of this bill would have told 

 against the patriotic party when they came into power, 

 it was obnoxious to them ; but they gave their support 

 to those measures which tended to support the privi- 

 leges of parliament, or to benefit the country, without 

 trenching on their own interests. 



It is not to be supposed, that a country such as Ire- Alarming 

 land was at that time with the great majority of its state of 

 population ignorant, bigotted, and Jdle; with a govern- IrelanJ> 

 ment constantly inattentive to, if not absolutely sacri- 

 ficing its interests ; and with the spirit of enterprise 

 and industry, wherever it started up in spite of these 

 obstacles, crushed by the mean jealousy of Britain- 

 could be rich : it was in fact poor ; and the national 

 poverty was greatly increased by the failure of some of 

 the principal banks, and an extreme scarcity, and coh 

 sequent high price of grain. In the midst of the dis- 

 content which arose from these causes, a report was 

 spread that Ireland was to be united to England to 

 be deprived of its parliament and to pay the same 

 taxes as England. The mob of Dublin took the alarm, 

 and broke out into the most riotous proceedings, which, 

 however, were of very short continuance. 



In 1759, Britain and Ireland were alarmed with the A. D. 1759. 

 preparations for invasion making in the French ports ; 

 but no landing took place, except that of Thurot with 

 600 men at Carrickfergus, and he re-imbarked in the 

 course of a few days. The conduct of the Irish troops, 

 as well as of the peasantry, on this occasion, proved 

 that they were much more loyal and worthy of confi- 

 dence than they were allowed to be by those who ca- 

 lumniated them, for they were eager to rush to the de- 

 fence of their country ; and such as were engaged be- 

 haved with surprising zeal and intrepidity. 



We now come to the time of the first appearance of 

 those associations of the peasantry, and others of a 

 higher class, for purposes of outrage, or of effecting po- 

 litical objects, by which the history of Ireland is hence- 

 forth so much distinguished. In 1 7fi2 the Whiteboys Whiteboyt. 

 first created alarm. They took this name, which sue- A - D> 1"62< 

 ceeded that of Levellers, from the circumstance of their 

 covering their ordinary dress by a short or white frock. 

 They consisted of labourers in the woollen manufac- 

 ture, who had been driven out of employment by its 

 decline ; and of labourers in husbandry, who had been 

 reduced to the same state, in consequence of the gene- 

 ral conversion of arable into pasture land. To add to 

 their distress, at this time a spirit of enterprise and im- 

 provement had recently promoted the enclosure of com- 

 mons, on which these people had previously enjoyed the 

 right of commonage. The outrages of the VVhiteboys 

 were dreadful ; and the alarm was greater than even 

 they warranted, in consequence of a suspicion that they 

 were instigated by, and connected with, the Catholics. 

 The next year an insurrection arose in Ulster. In this 

 only Protestants were concerned. The cause of this 

 was the hardships under which, it was alleged, the 

 poorer classes laboured with regard to keeping the 

 roads in repair. The insurgents called themselves 



