346 A HISTORY OF THE COLONY OF VICTORIA 



education, or even to prudential thrift or family responsibility. The 

 most brilliant scholar, the profoundest student of political economy 

 and history has no recognition in electoral matters. It is true 

 that up to the last two years of the colony's existence thrift, when 

 it took the form of real property situated in different electorates, 

 conferred the possibility of voting for more than one candidate, 

 but the effect in leavening the mass vote was quite inconsiderable. 

 And when under pressure from the labour organisations a weak 

 Ministry bowed to the mandate of " one man one vote," the making 

 of Parliament and the control of legislation was fairly handed over 

 to the impetuous, unreflecting and easily-cajoled crowd. The vote 

 of the Chancellor of the University, for all that he happens to be 

 also the Chief Justice and Lieutenant-Governor of the colony, is of 

 no more weight than that of the drunken loafer of the slums who 

 sponges on his wife's earnings and passes some weeks out of every 

 year in the lock-up. It is not comforting to reflect that while 

 there is only one Chancellor, and he represents a distinctly limited 

 class, there are, and always will be, if statistics are to be relied on, 

 many thousands of the other type of voters figuring annually in the 

 police court returns. Probably no acceptable scheme can be devised 

 to take the vote from the admittedly unworthy, but it is certain 

 that its banal influence could be greatly mitigated by an intelligent 

 adaptation of some more scientific form of voting, preferential, pro- 

 portional, cumulative, or what not, that should approximately 

 equalise the claims of all who have a right to be represented. 



The local conditions which necessitated conferring the franchise 

 on all have tended to lower its value, and to deaden the sense of 

 responsibility it carries. This is evidenced by the fact that in 

 periods of most active excitement there are not more than two- 

 thirds of the electors who exercise their rights, and in ordinary 

 periods of calm they barely average one-half. It has to be admitted 

 that the defaulters are more frequently to be found amongst the 

 comparatively independent classes, with whom the knowledge that 

 they are in a minority somewhat paralyses effort. Meanwhile, the 

 votes of those perhaps less competent to form thoughtful political 

 opinions are carefully looked after by organisations working avowedly 

 in class interests. 



