WILLIAM WARREN. 331 



foot and others, like Warren and I, on ponies; I should 

 think the "battalion" numbered about one hundred. 

 "Colonel" Eldridge made a demand for the guns as pri- 

 vate property, and wound up by saying: "Governor, we 

 merely demand our own, and are fully armed and deter- 

 mined to have those arms. Whether there will be a 

 fight for them rests with you to say." That was an ar- 

 gument that decided the case in our favor. The history 

 of Kansas shows that it was only by illegal voting "re- 

 peating," as it was called that the Lecompton constitu- 

 tion was adopted ; but I can't dwell on this. 



A peculiar state of affairs existed. The Territorial 

 Legislature was now under a Free State majority, and it 

 declared the last election to be fraudulent and ordered 

 the Lecompton constitution to be submitted to the people 

 on January 4, 1858, which somehow happened to be the 

 same day named by the pro-slavery authorities for the 

 election of officers under that constitution. 



Said Warren: "This thing has got to be fought out. 

 Voting is no use. For every man our side can get here 

 from Boston or Chicago the 'Border Ruffians' can pour 

 in twenty from Missouri. If Congress admits Kansas 

 in as a State, it will be under the Lecompton constitu- 

 tion, which permits men to be held as slaves. If we 

 don't vote for officers we can claim our rights and fight 

 for them; but if you take part in the election you must 

 abide by it." 



I favored voting, and we discussed this in our feeble 

 way until Warren said: "Betcher da'sent go up to Law- 

 rence and see what Lane says." We went and found a 

 convention in session that was as divided as we were, 

 and that Lane had a body of men down near Fort Scott. 

 Colonel Eldridge told me that Lane was prepared to 

 fight the United States troops if necessary if the Le- 



