A HISTORY OF DURHAM 



increased as time went on. 1 Both the reeve and the messor were peasants, 

 and might be called upon when their term of office expired to work in 

 the field themselves. Naturally they would refrain from being too hard on 

 their fellow-peasants, and indeed as population increased there would be 

 almost too many men bound to work even when agriculture was so rude. 



It must be remembered that the lord had no claim on the 'free' bond- 

 ager's family except at harvest-time, and quite early there would be a number 

 of landless men available for work in the fields. As a natural result the peas- 

 ant who worked unwillingly was allowed to commute his service for money, 

 and both parties gained. The system of commutation was certainly working 

 to some extent in the thirteenth century. At Heworth in 1296 Gilbert, son 

 of Galfrid, took two cottages and two acres of land rendering for all 5^. which 

 used to render 2s. and works, 3 and there are other similar entries. For 

 instance, John Fristeling took a bondage for four marks. 8 The commutation 

 of works in Durham was greatly accelerated by the fact that quite as early as 

 Boldon Book the demesnes were leased either wholly to firmars or in places at 

 least to the tenants, and in the thirteenth century we find individual tenants 

 leasing a few acres of demesne land. 8 The peasants began to refuse to pay the 

 dues and services to the firmars. The bondagers of Southwick were fined 5.?. 

 for defying Peter of ' Hetheworth '* in 1296, and in the same year Alexander 

 of Billingham defied the local messor. 6 We read also of apparently general 

 refusal of labour services at Aycliffe and Coupon 6 in 1 300, and the invasions of 

 the Scots which occurred almost yearly between the death of Edward I and 

 the treaty of Northampton in 1328 were probably responsible for sweeping 

 away the last hesitation on the part of the lords. The risks of bailiff farming 

 were now too great, and the ready money offered by the peasant was useful. 



When the bailiff rolls are available we see the new system in full swing. 

 In 1337 the bailiff of Auckland 7 commuted 420 works for ijs. 6d. i.e. at the 

 rate of \d. per work, but the week-works in autumn of these 28 tenants 

 were only commuted upon payment of 3^. each. 8 It was, of course, natural 

 to charge more for the works in autumn as there was then the greatest 

 demand for labour to garner the crops. The thirteen cotmen, however, did 

 not commute their work in 1337 but spent the six days each man owed in 

 spreading hay. The bondmen of West Auckland, like their fellows at North 

 Auckland, commuted their autumn week-works at the rate of 2s. ^d. each man, 

 and their cartage works at 3^. a load, but they did perform a certain amount 

 of carting for the lord as well. Five molmen of West Auckland paid zs. qd. 

 each to be quit of work on the demesne, and the works of ploughing due from 

 Auckland, Escombe, and Newton were commuted at 1 8 s. 6d. When the lord 

 agreed to commute the works of his tenants he gained something more than 

 the money they paid, for by custom each tenant who made hay could claim 

 \d. a day for food. If a tenant carried the hay from the field he could claim 

 id. a day for food. Under the same heading the carters of West Auckland 



1 The matter is discussed in Rogers, Six Centuries of Work and Wages, i, 218. 



' Dur. Halmote R. (Surtees Soc. Ixxxii), 9. 3 Ibid. 3. * Ibid. 10. 



6 Ibid. 8. 6 Ibid. 12. Now Cowper Bewley. ' Bp. Hatfielfs Surv. (Surtees Soc.xxxii), 20. 



8 Autumn included the days from I Aug. to 1 1 Nov., i.e. about ten weeks. According to Boldon Book 

 the villeins owed 2 days a week in autumn and I day a week for the rest of the year. At this rate autumn 

 week-work was valued at ld. a day, as compared with \d. a day for other week- work, but the former rate 

 seems to have prevailed only when all autumn works were commuted. 



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