INDUSTRIES 



practically no education, and grow up vicious, 

 slovenly, extravagant, and intemperate, 'almost 

 from infancy habituated to frequent intoxication,' 

 whilst the wives are described as ' a very in- 

 dolent set of women, strangers to cleanliness, 

 frugality or economy ' ; he contrasts the coal- 

 miner unfavourably in almost every respect with 

 labourers in other branches of industry, though 

 he admits that pitmen ' possess as good a share of 

 health as their poor neighbours, who are em- 

 ployed in other occupations.' The only amuse- 

 ments he mentions are cock-fighting and bowling, 

 the latter of which a purely local pastime is 

 fortunately still kept up in nearly the same form 

 as it then existed. 



The introduction of mechanical coal-cutters 

 into general practice is a marked characteristic 

 of the latter part of the nineteenth century. The 

 earliest proposal to use mechanical power for 

 coal-cutting seems to have been made by a 

 Mr. Michael Menzies of Newcastle on Tyne 

 before the end of the eighteenth century, but 

 never seems to have reached the practical stage. 

 It was about 1850 that the earliest machines 

 upon the principles now employed were designed, 

 and the development of coal-cutting may be said 

 to date from that period. The soft coals and 

 comparatively thick seams of the county of 

 Durham offered less scope for such machinery 

 than did many of the other coalfields of Great 

 Britain, and hence we find that this method 

 made less progress here than elsewhere. 



There is probably no department of coal- 

 mining in which greater changes have to be 

 chronicled during this century than in the con- 

 ditions of mining labour and the legislation 

 affecting it, although it must be borne in mind 

 that the latter was considerably influenced by a 

 series of disastrous accidents which characterized 

 the century. At the beginning of the nine- 

 teenth century coal-miners were still hired or 

 bonded from year to year for a twelvemonth at 

 a time, a small sum by way of earnest money, 

 known as the ' bonding ' or ' bounty ' money, 

 being paid to them. In the year 1800 this sum 

 appears usually to have been two or three guineas 

 per year. In the early years of the century a 

 great demand for coal sprang up, and in conse- 

 quence of this, and also because certain collieries, 

 notably those of Penshaw and Rainton, had be- 

 come greatly extended, the demand for hewers 

 and putters at the ordinary binding time became 

 excessively keen, and various coal-owners at- 

 tempted to vie with each other in obtaining men. 

 With this object the bounty money was rapidly 

 increased, so much so that in this year (1804) 

 from twelve to fourteen guineas per man per 

 year were paid upon the Tyne and eigh- 

 teen guineas upon the Wear, proportionately 

 exorbitant bounties being given to putters and 

 drivers and other men employed about the 

 mines. Wages were also increased by 30 or 



40 per cent. The result of the payment of 

 these exceptionally large sums was to cause 

 most extravagant habits amongst the miners, 

 and led to a great amount of drunken- 

 ness. Attempts were soon afterwards made to 

 bring matters back to a more natural standard, 

 with the result that the men resented the 

 attempt. In 1810 a dispute took place between 

 the owners and the men with reference to the 

 custom of bonding, the owners desiring to change 

 the bonding time from October, which was one 

 of the busiest times of the year, to an earlier 

 month, such as January. This change was re- 

 sisted by the miners, and the dispute terminated 

 in a strike. Ultimately 5 April was adopted as 

 the bonding day, and the amount of the yearly 

 bond fixed at five guineas per annum. In the 

 article in this volume dealing with the Social 

 and Economic History of the county the story 

 of the struggle for the abolition of the ' bonding ' 

 system has been told, and an account given of 

 the gradual growth of Trade Unionism in 

 Durham. 



At present the Durham Miners' Union con- 

 sists of about 90,000 members and possesses 

 accumulated funds to the extent of nearly 

 ,350,000. It has been formed with two dis- 

 tinct objects in view, each being established as 

 regards contributions on a separate basis to the 

 other ; these two objects are, first, the Trades 

 Union and, secondly, the Sick Fund. The former 

 was formed for the protection of the men in all 

 matters pertaining to work and wages, the con- 

 tribution of the men being 8d. per fortnight, of 

 which 6d. goes towards the maintenance of the 

 Union and 2d, towards the relief of men out of 

 work. 



Such men received benefit at the following 

 rates : Sacrificed members or men who have lost 

 their work through connexion with the Union 

 receive 1 5;. per week plus is. per head for each 

 child ; members out of work through strikes, 

 lock-outs, trade depressions, &c., 101. per week. 



The sick fund is supported by a contribution 

 of is. per member per fortnight, and relief is paid 

 to members incapacitated from work through 

 accident or sickness at the following rates : 101. 

 per week for the first twenty-six weeks ; 5;. per 

 week for the next twenty-six weeks ; 41. per week 

 for remainder of life. The fund has no con- 

 nexion with the Northumberland and Durham 

 Miners' Permanent Relief Fund, which provides 

 an insurance for men who are injured or killed 

 while following their occupation. This was 

 started in 1862 immediately after the great Hart- 

 ley disaster; it now numbers nearly 166,000 

 members with a capital of over ,398,000. 

 Members pay l\d. per week to the accident fund 

 and l\d. per week to the superannuation fund, half 

 members (under sixteen years of age) paying one- 

 half as much. Full members receive 51. per week 

 up to twenty-six weeks, and Ss. per week there- 



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