THE FARMER AND THE REFERENDUM. 415 



the ancient republics were not of races who have aemon- 

 strated the capacity for self-government, and the republics fell 

 because the people themselves became corrupt. Our republic 

 will do likewise, if we lose our virtue as a people. No nation 

 of the Germanic race has ever yet done this or shown signs of 

 it, nor do I recall, in a cursory glance over such history as I 

 know, any instance among people of these races where actual 

 injustice was ever done by a solemn vote of the people. 



Regardless of its origin, I am convinced that the principle 

 of direct legislation is rapidly gaining support among the best 

 classes of our body politic, and that it will be more and more 

 applied in practice as time goes on. It will not be well to 

 have it progress too rapidly. The habit of command is as 

 essential to a wise exercise of that function in a people, as in 

 the commander of a war ship. A man who had perfect 

 knowledge of the structure and powers of a battle-ship, and 

 who had in him the stuff for a great naval commander, would 

 run great danger of "losing his head" if pitchforked into such 

 a command, or into the command of a squadron, from a posi- 

 tion in which he had always been a subordinate. He needs 

 the discipline of smaller commands to prepare him for a great 

 trust. In like manner the people need the practice of direct 

 legislation in local affairs to prepare them for the exercise of 

 power over a wider sphere of action. The habit of acting 

 under responsibility is not acquired in a day. 



The methods by which it is proposed that the people shall 

 proceed in direct legislation, are known as the "initiative" and 

 the " referendum." By the " initiative" is meant that upon a 

 demand signed by a fixed number of voters, the legislative 

 body shall be bound to submit to the vote of the people the 

 proposition embraced in the demand. The number required 

 to make the demand effective is usually placed at fifteen per 

 cent of the voters, it being assumed that so large a number 

 could not be got to unite in a demand upon any trivial occa- 

 sion, or one upon which there was not good reason for 

 demanding a vote. In practice any number of people who 

 desired that some question should be submitted to vote would 

 circulate a demand for signatures, and if fifteen per cent of 



