No. 199.J 2S1 



Let us test this, by ana]3'sis. 



First — From the dawn of civllizallon, laws have been enacted for 

 the protection of men in the enjoyment of their lands and herds, and 

 other tangible property, and no nation, above the untutered savage, is 

 regardless of this sacred right. To secure a citizen in the use of Ids 

 pnvate proj^ertyj is of itself, without reference to further public bene- 

 fit, deemed of sufficient moment to demand extensive legislation. 



Second — Measures solely to promote public interest collectively, are 

 esteemed of themselves sufficient to justify even years of agitation 

 and entire political revolutions, to secure the desired legislation. 



Third — JVational honor alone, is a matter of sufficient moment to 

 move governments and armies at vast expense. 



Fourth — Encouragement to the cultivation and spread of science^ is 

 deemed for the highest interest of Republics, and worthy the best ef- 

 forts of the noblest statesmen. 



But now let it be observed, that it is a peculiar characteristic of 

 the policy of well adapted Patent Laws, to combine all of these ad- 

 vantages together. 



The demands of justice, in protection to private rights, an increase 

 of public wealth and convenience, maintenance and advancement of 

 national honor, and additional fortificatiuns of intelligence, are all 

 united in this policy, and attainable without price or public expendi- 

 ture. 



Is not this sufficient then, to warrant a liberal exercise of the legis- 

 lative talent of the country, and to have these laws put into the best 

 possible order 1 



I am aware, that any law for (he benefit only of a particular class, 

 in consequence of the contracted sphere of its operation, is properly 

 an object of more suspicion and less entitled to preference in elabor- 

 ate consideration, than a law for general benefit, operating uoon all 



