OL. XXII. n;). i-i-. 



AxXD HORTICULTURAL REGISTER. 



107 



Massachuselts. I am but q poor riinnor, nnd 

 c a trroat quantity of very pmir land. I nnd 



neighbors, every year, buy Carolina corn, and 

 contrive to pay for it, too, in some way. And 



tticy would induce us to forsake our present 

 suits — wliether our capital finds employment in 

 lufactures or upon tlie sea — and to raise corn ! 

 is stranire infatuation, indeed, arising from a 

 id adherence to mere political axioms and po- 

 ;al notions which have grown up in the school 

 |)olitical enigmas — for it may be set down as a 

 kirn, that men of sccmi'Hfi- sense will take hold 

 \mgcr and hold on longer, to some abstract the- 

 , than men of good sense to sound opinions. 

 ey like dogmas and theorems which originate 

 ;he school of enigmas, and it is a fact, that 

 ie men like paradoxes belter than simple truths, 



it is impossible to argue them out of their fan- 

 il theories. A similar, though perhaps not an 

 lal delusion, possesses others ; and that is, that 



protection of manufactures is of peculiar and 

 :lu3ive benefit to those concernoil in tliat pur- 



t, that the farmers are not interested in that 



■tection. But cannot the mannfactiirer employ 



capital in other pursuits if it does not yield 

 n a return? liut what is to become of the far- 

 r who tills the soil, if he cannot find a market 



his commodity ? Can he change his pursuit? 

 .e fact is, gentlemen, that the protection of those 

 10 raise and consume the products of agricul- 

 •e, is of the highest moment to the man who 

 Itivates his lands and has a surplus product 

 cr what he himself consumes, (.'\pplaiise.) 

 Now, gentlemen, we are Americans. We have 

 .•ast country, with various climates and various 

 rsuils. We have agricultural States and plan- 

 tiou States. We have manufacturing and com- 

 ercial interests, and our business is not to bring 

 ese various interests into a belligerent and hos- 

 e position. We should not seek to inflame our 

 issions. We should strive to make this one 

 •eat nation and family, jointly concerned in pro- 

 oling each other's welfare. We should concili- 

 e, and endeavor to persuade those whose inte- 

 'Sls are thus connected with ours, that these 

 ivers interests are concerned in promoting the 

 nprovement and well-being of all. We should 

 at sot up interest against interest, but labor to 

 stain such laws and systems and measures of 

 overnment, as will conduce to the protection and 

 romotion of the interests of all the citizens of the 

 fnited States. We have, all of us, an interest in 

 le United States, and in every State, and in the 

 arious classes who compose the population of 

 lose States. I believe that eventually, modera- 

 on, and perseverance, and truth, and reason will 

 revail over all the delusions which now divide us 

 nd drive us to quarrel — and this, too, despite the 

 resent clamor and vehemence which prevails in 

 ome parts of the country. 



What I have said of the interests and wants of 

 griculture in New York and the North, is as 

 rue of the planting interest of the Southern States, 

 rhe first and best market for their cotton is fur- 

 lished by the northern manufacturers. It is as- 

 onishing — absolutely astonishing, to those who 

 lave inquired into the subject, that the Southern 

 jlanters, who raise and deal in the products of the 

 !oil, and rely upon Northern men to take one- 

 .hird of their crop, and fi.x the price for the bal- 

 incc, without the least charge of freight to them — 

 ,t is, I say, astonishing, that they do not see how 

 dependent they are upon the consumers of our 



own country ! Why, how would ihcy do in case that the interests of peace and the interests of hii- 

 ofwar? Where would the colton planter find , ninnity— I believe that the great interests of our 



sale for his crops .= lie would be forced to rely I common religion, which commands us to love one 

 alone upon the homo market. That is now the 1 another, have come to ccmtrol government— to say, 

 earliest, though not the largest. One-third of the '' 'I hus far shall thou come, and no further; and 

 cotton crop is" disposed of at home. The planter ' here let thy proud waves be staid;' and I think I 



gets his pay earlier from the northern consumer, 

 and a price fixed at which he disposes of the re- 

 mainder of the crop. These, gentlemen, are 

 truths — they are elements of political economy, 

 and are as true upon the James river in Virginia 

 and in North Carolina, as they are here in New 

 York. I do mo.n sincerely hope that the progress 

 of intelligence and of kind feeling will soon make 



them apparent to all— and that all of the American | cy of England to be more 

 family will see how much their happiness and dig- 

 nity depend upon the free, the just, and the liberal 

 interchange of products among themselves. (Great 

 cheering.) 



Gentlemen, I am troubling you at too great 

 ength. (Cries of ' No, no,' and ' Go on.') I be 



see this in every thing and every where — in the 

 cautious policy of England, and in the acts of all 

 the foreign courts, which are but yielding to the 

 necessity of the case. 



Gentlemen, I am growing garrulous. (' No, no 



go on.') I had the happiness to believe lliis 



spirit of reciprocity would have a tendency to pro- 

 duce a proper result. I believe it to be the puli- 

 ibcral in her commer- 

 cial relations — to counteract the restrictive spirit 

 which is supposed to exist, and to adopt a more 

 liberal policy — a pol.cy more favorable to the com- 

 mercial interests of the world. 



Gentlemen, it is most certain that within a few 

 months there! has been a great change in our intor- 



lievl-, however, that what I'have said is founded in [course with England. Articles of the growth of 



truth. I wish to see that truth universally prevail. 

 I wish for the advancement of the great science of 

 agriculture — its interests. I wish for every thing 

 which is calculated to promote its prosperity — ev- 

 ery thing which teaches every man that he has an 

 interest in every other man." (Cheers.) 



Mr W. then proceeded to advocate his project 

 of "an equitable arrangement" between the gov- 

 ernments of the United States and Great Britain, 

 by which "the duties shall be taken from English 

 manufactures here, and from American agricultu- 

 ral products in England." We give the conclud- 

 ing portion of his remarks : 



"Now, gentlemen, I say that in the present 

 state of the world — being at peace — when all the 

 commercial States are living upon terms of amity 

 it is a fitting time to extend the embrace of ami- 

 ty and commercial good fellowship. It has been 

 said by a poet, that "War is a game which, if the 

 people were wise, kings would not play at." The 

 people will not have war merely to gratify crowned 

 heads, to establish dynasties, or to effecl any ob- 

 ject not calculated to promote their own happiness. 



Now, gentlemen, I say it is our duty to look 

 carefully and wisely, but with a conciliatory dispo- 

 gitjon — to compare notes, to see what will be most 

 for the interest of all to give up or secure, and 

 still have our free labor properly protected ; — to 



the State of New Y'ork and of the West, have in 

 greater profusion than ever before, found their 

 way into England. Within six months quite a 

 new trade has been opened. While in the city of 

 New York, I took occasion to inquire of my friends 

 how it was ; and they assured me that cargoes of 

 beef, pork and lard, were being constantly shipped, 

 and that recently several ships of the largest class 

 have left New York for Liverpool and London, 

 laden exclusively with provisions for those mar- 

 kets. 



These articles were going out with the hope of 

 obtaining fair profits, and partly because they 

 were cheap here, and because England had modi- 

 fied her tariflf. This is quite a new trade. Should 

 a policy be adopted to augment this trade, who 

 would not rejoice ? The poor of England would 

 be better fed, we would be better paid, and the in- 

 terests of all would be promoted. 



Gentlemen, I propose to trouble you no farther. 

 I say to you that the time has come when the peo- 

 ple will consent to give up vames and look for 

 o-reat things — to things which belong to their inte- 

 rests. We must look to things ; for we may be 

 sure that however local interests prevail, when we 

 approach the close of life, and look back upon ev. 

 ery thing done, with a large, broad American feel- 

 ing, we will remember with regret all that we did 

 from mere local influences. (Cheers.) Let us re- 

 nterests are connected with the 



consider what may be done, what arrangements j member that our ir ^ ,i • i 



made to brincr a'jout these results by formal re- United States, and with every one ot the United 

 This is sure to come— if 1 States. Let us remember there us not a man from 



ciprocal arrangements. This is 

 not in my day, it is still sure to come. All things 

 are tending to such a result. It is seen in the 

 progress of Christianity. We see it in the politi- 

 cal agitations of other countries. Do you not 

 see, springing up over the face of the whole earth, 

 the free doctrines taught by our ancestors — our 

 own cherished doctrines of popular rights ? This 

 feelintr will go on augmenting, until the doctrine 

 of the divine right of kings will break upon Eu- 

 rope with an irresistible power. Tlie spirit of lib- 

 erality is re-acting upon Europe with a might fear- 

 ful only to those who are unwilling to give up their 

 old prejudices ; but great and glorious to the great 

 mass ot European minds, who wish the whole hu- 

 man family to be governed by pure laws, and that 

 man, the people, sliall have, every where, a con- 

 trolling agency in his own government. 



I know, gentlemen, that this sentiment must pro- 

 vail. I believe it — firmly believe it. I believe 



the Atlantic to the Rocky Mountains, from Maine 

 to Mississippi, in whose welfare we are not con- 

 cerned ; and we should show that we have hearts 

 and souls big enough to embrace the great empire 

 God has given us. And while we are conscious 

 that we have social nnd religious blessings such 

 as none other enjoy, let us be true to our own in- 

 terests ; nnd now and forever, living and dying, 

 remember that we are entirely Americans— Ameri- 

 cans forever !" (Nine cheers.) 



Corruption, in the public morals, is like a ball 

 of snow — when once set a rolling, it must in- 

 crease. It gives momentum to the activity of the 

 knave, but it chills the honest man, and makes him 

 almost weary of his calling ; and all that corrup- 

 tion attracts, it also retains ; for it is easier not to 

 fall, than only to fall once, nnd not to yield a single 

 inch, than having yielded, to regain it. — Lacon. 



