PROCEEDINGS OF THE POLYTECHNIC ASSOCIATION. 3G9 



but I invite such as may wish to invest talent or capital to confer with me 

 privately, and judge whether my views are such as will warrant them in 

 cooperating with me. 



Leaving now the discussion of the parts of this subject, and looking 

 at the whole, as if all the interests were united, or as if we had a govern- 

 ment, and the public interests were regarded, I may express my views of 

 the relative economy of the old system, and the amended system now 

 agitated, and the S3'stem which I propose, by saying that the introduction 

 of steam cars, as now likel}^ to be sanctioned by the bill before the legis- 

 lature, would, in the passenger traffic, nearly but not fully attain the econ- 

 omy that would result from the system 1 advocate; but it would in no 

 degree im.prove the freight traffic, the hackney coach, private carriage and 

 wagon traffic. It would involve the maintenance of two conflicting systems 

 — a system of rails, injurious to common wheels, and obstructive, and 

 incapable of turnouts, and it would still leave the streets in a state of 

 uncleanliness inconsistent with the luxury of private houses, and in no re- 

 spect economical even to the poorest of the "people; on the contrary, a cause 

 of injury to the clothing of the poor, and a severe tax upon them in every 

 way. Even if the notion kept up by vulgar demagogues were true, that 

 the laborers produce all the wealth, and pay all the taxes, still it would 

 be best for the laborers to pay for claan streets, although the cost should 

 be double what is now paid for filthy streets; but it is agreed by engineers 

 that iron roads and steam would cost less than a quarter of what is now 

 paid for the barbaric system of animal power, and roads suited to that 

 power. Three cents a car per mile, compared with twenty-five cents a car 

 per mile by horse power, warrants the exhibition of a greater saving than 

 this. But the capital of the wealthy is the main element of the produc- 

 tion of wealth; the machinery in England, in 1825, produced more than 

 the whole population of the world could produce without machinery; and 

 since that time this kind of capital has vastly increased, in this country as 

 well as in England. Whoever teaches this doctrine, that tends to embit- 

 ter the minds of laborers against capitalists, is either a vulgar speculator 

 or a malignant knave. The real truth is, that in cities where trade is 

 increasing, the taxes fall ultimately on the owners and lessees of real 

 estate; every improvement is their speculation; if it is judicious, it adds 

 to their wealth; if injudicious, it diminishes their wealth. It is my 

 opinion that a board of talented civil and mechanical engineers could so 

 improve Broadway as to add one-half to the value of the property upon it; 

 and that in their improvements could be included an iron floor and a 

 system of steam conveyances, controlled by a liberal company, or by a 

 good government. 



I deem it my duty to speak of the course pursued by the Broadway pro- 

 prietors, in thwarting the schemes of the railway proprietors. In the 

 beginning of that attempt to plant a great excrescence that should prevent 

 a scientific progress, the proprietors appealed to the people, and by their 

 votes got a new charter adopted by a great majority. Then, instead of 

 manfully and liberally nominating good candidates for the council, they 

 disgraced themselves, and betrayed the interests they volunteered to defend, 

 by selecting from the two tickets nominated by the managers of the two 



[Air. Ins.] 24 



