66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 188 



is doubtful if this individual has ever received any kind of formal 

 investiture, he plays a part closely analogous to that described by 

 Hill (1940 a). He is quite frequently required to arbitrate disputes 

 between families and to decide upon ritual matters, and he seldom 

 fails to address public gatherings (especially at ceremonials) with 

 a sermon on morality, obedience, or adherence to the good ways of 

 doing things. He attends nearly all the major ceremonials in neigh- 

 boring communities as well, and commonly delivers sermons on these 

 occasions. In the course of his rather frequent trips to Shonto store 

 he is nearly always asked for advice in family and ritual matters by 

 other persons who happen to be present in the store, and is sometimes 

 heard admonishing the younger generation for its unheeding ways. 



No comparable degree of native authority is exercised by any other 

 individual in the community. There is, in fact, a very marked dif- 

 ferentiation between the "nat'ani" and the remainder of Shonto's 

 singers, all of whom occupy distinctly low status (see below). The 

 "nat'ani" is a man of 68, lacking any formal education and speaking 

 no English. He is said to have a ritual repertory far more extensive 

 than that of any other singer in the community, and is certainly 

 infinitely the most popular. He is only moderately well-to-do in 

 goods and livestock, and, unlike three other singers, has only one wife. 



Most Shonto Navahos recognize two not very distinct external 

 sources of authority : waashindoon (Washington) and tseghahodzani 

 (Window Rock). To these might possibly be added hozdo'i ("the 

 hot place;" i.e.. Phoenix), seen as the source of welfare checks and 

 license plates. Waashindoon is employed as a sort of generic term 

 for the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and tseghahodzani similarly for 

 the Navaho tribe (official designation for the tribal organization). 

 The community does not, however, distinguish clearly between the 

 two; they are separate but related forces imposing essentially the 

 same authority. The two terms are, in fact, interchangeable in many 

 contexts; e.g., waashindoon binaltsos or tseghahodzani binaltsos for 

 livestock permit. As a general rule, either term translates simply 

 as "government." 



Few Shonto residents identify themselves or their interests with 

 Window Rock. The community has little or no sense of participa- 

 tion in self-government, but sees Window Rock as a group of Nava- 

 hos employed by and serving the interests of Washington. Thus, 

 although Federal and State Indian liquor laws have been repealed, 

 and prohibition is now imposed by tribal edict only, Wliite people 

 continue to bear the brunt of resentment for the supposed injustice 

 of the measure. Window Rock is assumed to be enforcing prohibi- 

 tion on behalf of Washington. Similarly, the transfer of grazing 

 control from the Bureau of Indian Affairs to the grazing committees 



