72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BnU. 188 



Singers and curers do not by any means enjoy a monopoly in the 

 tulapai trade, but they are nearly always among its principal prac- 

 titioners. There is not, on the other hand, any evidence of formal 

 introduction of tulapai into ritual itself; drunkemiess at ceremonies, 

 although common, is usually confined to the younger male spectators 

 (see below), and is often roundly condemned by practitioners. 

 Tulapai, however, undoubtedly helps to give Shonto's curers a bad 

 name. The community does not by any means disapprove of tulapai- 

 making itself; but it distinctly condemns disorderly and violent be- 

 havior resulting from excessive use thereof. 



No data are at hand regarding diagnosticians (cf. Leighton and 

 Leighton, 1944, pp. 28-29; Morgan, 1931) at Shonto; it is not certain 

 that any individual in the community follows this profession. 



Witchcraft (see Kluckhohn, 1944) appears, on the basis of direct 

 observation, to play a much more overt role in the life of Shonto 

 than has been observed in eastern Navaho communities (cf. Kluck- 

 hohn, 1944, p. 35) . Not only is indicative behavior such as the careful 

 concealment of hair and fingernail cuttings (cf. Kluckhohn, 1944, 

 pp. 31-35) manifest in individuals of all ages and both sexes, but the 

 actual social and physical avoidance of a few persons (see "Social 

 Structure," above) reaches extreme proportions. Shonto's most 

 commonly suspected witches are a brother and sister, both over 70 

 years of age, and another oldster of 75. Two of these have seen their 

 own married daughters deliberately move away from the residence 

 group after several years' residence, leaving the household of the 

 "witch" in isolation. Two daughters of another, although unmarried, 

 have moved a couple of miles away and no longer have anything to do 

 with the old man. 



Arrival of one of the "witches" at Shonto Trading Post is a common 

 signal for the departure of most of the other customers, or at least 

 for their removal to the far end of the counter. An atmosphere of 

 tense restraint, which is in marked contrast to the usual highjinks of 

 trading, prevails while these individuals are doing their shopping. 

 Their departure is marked by general relaxation which is nearly 

 always accompanied by boisterous mocking. The trading post's 

 Navaho hired man, although the son of one of the "witches" and 

 maternal nephew of another, seldom fails to find business in the 

 warehouse or yard while they are in the store. 



One Shonto "witch," a man of 83, was severely beaten by a much 

 younger man in the spring of 1955, and suffered several fractured 

 ribs. In characteristic Shonto fashion (see "Law and Order," above) , 

 he took no formal legal action at first, but attempted to secure a cash 

 settlement. The community's sympathies were distinctly against him, 

 however, and the settlement was not forthcoming. He then retaliated, 



