94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BoU. 188 



the community can fall back when native institutions break down or 

 fail to provide satisfaction. 



The result is that the process of acculturation at Shonto has been 

 largely one of cultural addition without loss. White institutions pro- 

 vide situational alternatives to native patterns, without displacing 

 them. In some cases, as medicine, their role has become almost en- 

 tirely complementary. In other cases, notably with regard to law, a 

 situational conflict may occur. Nowhere, however, is conflict struc- 

 turally inlierent. 



The situation herein indicated is not likely to obtain beyond the 

 present generation. More than any other factor, it has been lack of 

 schooling which has not only minimized value change but has insured 

 the constancy of native tradition throughout the community. In the 

 individual life cycle, a thorough Navaho enculturation preceded any 

 significant contact with alien institutions. Within the past 5 years 

 this condition has been altered for the first time. As of 1956, all of 

 Shonto's children are being systematically exposed to Anglo-American 

 culture from the age of 6 onward; at the same time they are being 

 removed from their homes and their native social context during those 

 years which were traditionally most important in Navaho encultura- 

 tion (cf. Leighton and Kluckhohn, 1948, pp. 4^75). Shonto is 

 thus likely to see more culture change in the next generation than has 

 taken place in the preceding century. 



NAVAHO ECONOMICS 



Shonto's present-day economic life bears little resemblance to any- 

 thing described in the literature of anthropology (e.g. Kluckholin and 

 Leighton, 1946, pp. 19-26; Kelly, 1953, pp. 89-92). As in other 

 areas of life (see "Summary," pp. 93-94), the community has adapted 

 new and alien sources of livelihood to a traditional social and cultural 

 context. Again the process of acculturation has been one of augmen- 

 tation more than of replacement, although the extent of Anglo-Amer- 

 ican influence in economic life exceeds that in any other sphere of 

 activity. Native subsistence and craft enterprises survive, over- 

 shadowed in monetary reward by more modern pursuits and yet 

 dominant in the community's economic scheme (see below). The 

 result is a distinctive balance among native enterprise, wage work, 

 and unearned benefits, all of which play an integral part in the liveli- 

 hood of nearly every Shonto residence group (see table 18). 



ECONOMIC RESOURCES 



Shonto today depends directly upon the outside world for about 80 

 percent of its total income (see table 21). To a very large extent, 

 therefore, the community is no longer in control of its own productive 



