98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Ball. 188 



special character of Shonto's economy, setting it clearly apart from 

 that of non-Indian populations, lies principally in its institutions of 

 distribution rather than of production. 



Heavy reliance upon uncontrolled productive resources (see above) , 

 limited capital resources, and an essentially seasonal economy (see 

 "The Economic Cycle," below) all conspire to produce a situation of 

 highly irregular income production both in time and space. At the 

 same time the sedentary life of the community creates consumption 

 demands which fluctuate little from year's end to year's end. Hence, 

 uneven production both seasonally and as between different social units 

 has to be reconciled with consumption needs which are more or less 

 constant in both respects. 



Discrepancies between production and consumption are compen- 

 sated for by a special set of distributional institutions which are 

 essential and integral to modern Navaho livelihood, and at the same 

 time give it its unique quality. Variable productive capacity among 

 social units is compensated for by a complex series of controls upon 

 native productive resources and, intimately associated with them, a 

 regular pattern of functional interdependence among both individuals 

 and households. Variable production in time is compensated for by 

 capital and, to a much greater extent, credit. All of these institutions 

 are fundamental features of Shonto's annual economy. 



CONTROL OF EESOITECES 



As mentioned above ("Economic Resources"), modern Shonto com- 

 munity relies for its livelihood largely upon resources which are be- 

 yond its own control. All local sources of income are, however, under 

 the community's control in one way or another. Types of controls 

 vary distinctly as between restricted property and personal property 

 (see above), and to a lesser extent as between types of property in 

 each category. The structure of economic control by social units, for 

 both restricted and personal estate, is schematized in table 14. 



Within the framework of Navaho common law and tradition it is 

 possible to recognize at least six distinct categories of functional con- 

 trol to which resources are potentially subject. Theoretical imposi- 

 tion of Navaho tribal law has added two additional categories (see 

 table 14). None of these controls are necessarily mutually exclusive. 

 They are, rather, exerted differentially by Shonto's four functional 

 economic units: resident lineages, residence groups, household, and 

 individuals (see "Social Structure," pp. 54^65). 



Legal oionership^ under Navaho tribal law, is always vested either 

 in individuals or in the entire tribe as a collective body. All land, 

 with the natural resources thereon, is tribal property — essentially 

 Navaho public domain. This particular phase of tribal law is largely 



