Adams] SHONTO: ROLE OF NAVAHO TRADER 107 



to categories which are normally regarded as personal income, such 

 as the craft earnings of women (see below). A man's obligation to 

 support his household is such that in default of other resources he 

 may even be required to pawn his own jewelry in behalf of the group 

 collectively. 



In Shonto's economy, households are units of consumption rather 

 than of production. The latter is either an individual matter or, in 

 the case of subsistence activities, is integrated with the activity of the 

 whole residence group. 



Individuals fmiction as primary units of production in Shonto's 

 modern economy, with its heavy dependence upon uncontrolled re- 

 sources. Their role as primary units of consxmaption is on the other 

 hand distmctly limited, being confined to a few classes of income which 

 accrue from the exploitation of purely personal resources (see "Con- 

 trol of Eesources," above) . In this category are the craft earnings of 

 women, which, not being a part of the regular subsistence complex, 

 are often treated as a sort of windfall. While many Shonto women 

 in practice contribute their rug money (actually merchandise) to the 

 support of their households, they are apparently not obligated to do 

 so, and a few always spend it entirely on themselves. The status of 

 weaving income as a private resource is indicated in the fact that craft 

 production is never a basis for credit. 



To the extent that they are received in goods rather than in cash, 

 singers' earnings are also individual property. They are, however, 

 subject in all cases to claim by the household if needed for its support. 

 A final category of basically personal income is that derived from the 

 pawning of jewelry, which is always personally owned. 



The individual's role in the overall economic scheme is ultimately 

 a matter of membership in larger units of production and consump- 

 tion, which itself is a function of residence. Every individual is by 

 birth a resident, and hence a participating member, of a given house- 

 hold and residence group. At the time of marriage, residence for 

 members of either sex may or may not change, depending upon the 

 terms of the individual marriage contract involved. The contracting 

 families are likely to come to whatever arrangement seems most eco- 

 nomically advantageous to both, without too much regard for sex- 

 oriented tradition. 



Wliere residence is transferred as a condition of marriage, the 

 exolocal partner acquires contractual rights and a specific role within 

 the new residence group which in practice are in no way different 

 from those of hereditary members. They are, however, always con- 

 ditional to the marriage contract itself, and thus are subject to termi- 

 nation, in contrast to birthrights which are inalienable. 



For Shonto's present-day socioeconomic system no more fimda- 

 mental principle of participation can be delineated. The common 



