Adams] SHONTO: ROLE OF NAVAHO TRADER 125 



plain weave and simple banded design, worth a maximum of $4.00 

 and $8.00 respectively at Slionto Trading Post. Most of the com- 

 munity's weavers are likely to produce from 6 to 12 such saddle 

 blankets a year. Doubles normally outnumber singles in the propor- 

 tion of about two to one. Larger rugs, when made, are seldom very 

 much larger than double saddle blankets, and bring an average price 

 of about $14.00. Only six women regularly make large rugs, valued 

 at $50.00 and up. The highest price ever paid for a Shonto rug in 

 the writer's knowledge was $95.00. 



Craft activities other than weaving are highly irregular in occur- 

 rence and volume (see "Arts and Crafts," pp. 82-84). Baskets and 

 sashes ("squaw belts"), unlike rugs and pots, are made chiefly for 

 consumption within the community rather than for sale to Whites. 

 These items are seldom kept permanently, but are traded about with- 

 in the community as needed for ritual occasions. In most cases they 

 are bought from the store and then sold back to it. The trading post 

 thus acts only as a sort of clearing house. A stock of from 5 to 10 

 baskets is usually on hand, of which not more than 1 or 2 are likely to 

 be new or nearly so. The price paid for baskets averages about $5.00 

 for new specimens and $3.00 for old ones, depending on size and 

 condition. In all, basketry, pottery, and the other minor crafts are 

 believed to contribute less than 5 percent of all craft income. 



Shonto's total 1955 craft earnings are estimated at $2,685, equal 

 to only 1.6 percent of all community income for the year. Average 

 and maximum earnings are shown in table 22. 



Eug income is essentially supplementary income, and does not figure 

 in Shonto's regular economic complex. No credit is extended against 

 rugs (see table 16) , and income therefrom is never claimed in payment 

 of accounts due, no matter how large. By standard trading post 

 policy, rugs are exchanged entirely for merchandise, their assessed 

 value being traded out at the time of exchange. 



Although 49 Shonto households received some amount of rug in- 

 come in 1955, only 2 actually depended upon it as part of their sub- 

 sistence base. In all other cases it was more in the nature of a wind- 

 fall, and was often spent as such. 



NATIVE COMMEBCIAI, AND PROFESSIONAL ENTERPEI8ES 



The complex of purely internal enterprises and services cannot be 

 overlooked as forming part of Shonto commmiity's general economic 

 picture (cf. Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1946, p. 37). Wliile Shonto 

 depends heavily on the "White man's institutions for its cash and trade 

 income, a few individuals regularly derive a large part of their liveli- 

 hood directly from other members of the community. The practical 

 extent of such activities is virtually impossible to determine, and 

 calculations of income derived therefrom (tables 18, 21 and 22) are 



