Adams] SHONTO I ROLE OF NAVAHO TRADER 141 



time the complex of wage-earning activities which is still considered 

 supplementary (see chart C) has trebled Shonto's income in the past 

 generation. The practical result has been that in many respects the 

 community's day-to-day level of living has actually surpassed its 

 ideal standard of living. Thus cash income from wage activities is 

 often not merely supplementary, but surplus income. Inevitably, it 

 goes to maintain a high level of luxury consumption. 



This state of affairs is reinforced by the low level of subsistence 

 consumption which the community is capable of maintaining. The 

 striking discrepancy in Shonto's economic situation is that rapidly 

 expanding sources of income have not been matched by any com- 

 parable development of a consumer's market for material goods. Re- 

 gardless of surplus income, the elements needed to increase material 

 standards of living, notably public utilities of any kind, simply cannot 

 be had at any price. Consequently traditional noneconomic activities 

 and luxury spending continue to absorb Shonto's earnings. 



Shonto does not save its money (cf. Roberts, 1951, p. 54). Only 

 two or three employees of the school have either insurance policies 

 or bank accounts in Flagstaff, and only the tribal councilman has any 

 cash on hand in the community (see above). For most Shonto resi- 

 dents, banking is entirely out of the question, the nearest bank being 

 132 miles away. More important in any event, it is still possessions — 

 "hard goods," "soft goods," and livestock — which bring prestige and 

 have psychological security value (cf . Reichard, 1928, p. 89 ; Hobson, 

 1954, p. 25). Finally, Shonto's conception of economic life remains 

 a seasonal one (see below), in which each year is a repetition of the 

 last, and each brings the same chances to make a living as did the 

 last. 



THE ECONOMIC CTCLB 



The seasonal roimd of productive activity and income consumption 

 is shown in charts A and B. 



To a very large extent, Shonto lives on credit and on railroad 

 unemployment compensation during the winter. Livestock owners 

 draw credit against forthcoming wool sales, and railroad claimants 

 draw against the amount of their biweekly checks. Not more than 

 half a dozen men are likely to be out on the railroad during the winter 

 months. This is the slackest season in the economic year, when only 

 the community's singers and tulapai makers are especially active. 



Lambmg is the first major operation of the year for most Shonto 

 families (cf. Landgraf, 1954, p. 62), occupying most of February and 

 March. It is closely followed by the beginning of the agricultural 

 year, with plowing and planting in April and May. 



Late spring is one of the busiest times in the economic year (cf. 

 Landgraf, 1954, p. 62) . All adult members of every family are likely 



