Adams] 



SHONTO: ROLE OF NAVAHO TRADER 



185 



By contrast, Navaho trading posts traditionally do not rely on White 

 trade for any part of their income. For the most part they do not even 

 sell post cards and souvenirs. This is particularly true in remote areas 

 such as Shonto, where White trade has little or no potential. Shonto 

 Trading Post makes no effort to attract the trade of the local school 

 teachers and National Monument personnel, nor does it attempt to 

 attract tourists from the latter area. A small volume of trade is actu- 

 ally received from both sources, but it is regarded as entirely incidental. 



During the month of April 1956, an accurate record was kept of 

 daily adult clientele at Shonto Trading Post. Since Navahos are apt 

 to do their shopping piecemeal throughout the better part of a day 

 (see "Shopping Habits," pp. 204-210) , figures were compiled by count- 

 ing each individual customer once a day. The information thus as- 

 sembled, summarizing Shonto's clientele in terms of race and com- 

 munity of residence, is set forth in table 29. (See also table 36.) 



As indicated in table 29, not quite three-quarters of Shonto's trade 

 throughout the month of April 1956, came from the local Navaho 

 community. Navahos from neighboring communities accounted for 

 another 15 percent, while the total of all Whites and non-Navahos 

 accounted for less than 10 percent of Shonto's customers. 



Except in the case of Whites, the figures in table 29 reflect fairly 

 accurately the sources of trading post income. In actual dollar vol- 

 ume Shonto community is estimated to contribute between 70 and 

 75 percent of the trade at Shonto Trading Post, with Navahos from 

 other communities accounting for nearly all of the remainder. The 



' Each individual client counted once per day. 



