244 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 188 



resulting in a selective adaptation in which White culture and 

 cultural influences often play an optional part (see "Summary," pp. 

 93-94). As could be predicted from the general history of contact, 

 adoption of White culture traits has gone to its furthest extent in 

 material culture and economics. 



THE MODEBN PICTURE 



The year 1955 found Navaho-Wliite relations in a condition of 

 relative stability which had persisted since the early postwar years. 

 The rapid acceleration of Navalio initiative and acceptance of certain 

 White institutions which marked the most recent phase of intercul- 

 tural relations (see above) had seemingly run its course, at least in 

 the more isolated western communities. The result was a temporary 

 condition of "stabilized pluralism" (Smnmer Seminar on Accultura- 

 tion, 1954, p. 990). The stability is almost certainly destined to be 

 short lived: today's Navaho children are receiving a degree of 

 Wliite-sponsored education undreamed of by their forebears, and the 

 effects are likely to be felt strongly throughout the reservation in a 

 few years. 



The foundation of modern Navaho- White relations is the dependent 

 and subordinate position of the former. Socially and legally, this 

 subordination is expressed in the Treaty of 1868 and the Federal Code 

 of Indian Offenses. Its most powerful sanction, however, is the ex- 

 treme dependence of modern Navahos on the White man's economy, 

 which destroys much of their power of cultural resistance. The 

 symbol of subordination, as always, remains the memory of stock 

 reduction (Spicer, 1952, p. 203). 



The White culture which surrounds and impinges on Navaho life 

 is a national culture, integrated at a national level (cf. Steward, 

 1951) ; not a regional subculture or a localized complex. The contact 

 institutions which transmit its influence are merely what Steward 

 (e.g., 1955, pp. 68-69) has termed "local aspects of national institu- 

 tions." It may be said, therefore, that the subordination of modern 

 Navahos to their Anglo-American neighbors is at a national level: 

 80,000 Navahos subordinate to 160,000,000 Whites. 



The sheer overwhelming numerical superiority of Whites — the 

 origmal and ultimate source of Navaho subjugation — continues to 

 dictate the character of Navaho- White relations. As of 1955 all 

 Navahos had frequent or regular contact with one or more institutions 

 of Anglo culture, wliile only a fraction of one percent of Anglos had 

 any significant contact with Navaho culture. Navahos of both sexes, 

 all ages, and all interests had to concern themselves with the ways and 

 wishes of their White neighbors ; only a handful of Whites in special 

 capacities — commercial administrative, and charitable — had to con- 

 cern themselves with Navaho life. Most important of all, every 



