Adams] 



SHONTO: ROLE OF NAVAHO TRADER 



265 



the overall pattern of such adjustments was by no means constant 

 from one part of the Navaho Reservation to another, but would be 

 likely to vary according to the range and intensity of contacts pre- 

 sented to each individual community or area (see "Summary," pp. 93- 

 94) . The pattern of adjustment to be found in each particular area of 

 culture would therefore be the best historical index of the continuing 

 cross-cultural influence of whatever contact institution was operative 

 in that field. 



The general pattern of cross-cultural adjustments at Shonto is set 

 forth in chart M. Information entered therein is contained in the 

 relevant portions of "Navaho Life," pp. 53-94. Individual adjust- 

 ments may be summarized here in a few paragraphs. 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 



There has been no attempt on the part of any contact institution 

 to modify the native social fabric with its dual structure of residence 

 groups and households. These survive structurally and functionally 

 (see "Economic Interdependence," pp. 103-108) intact. 



Chart M. — General patterns of Navaho cultural adjustment at Shonto* 



1 For detailed discussion, sac appropriate portions of pp. 53-94. 



MATERIAL CULTURE 



Modern Navaho material culture is basically American of 50 to 100 

 years ago, with a few more up-to-date items thrown in. Native ma- 

 terial culture survives only in a handful of items associated with 

 native esoteric practices, i.e., singing and craft manufacture. The 

 trading post is practically the community's sole source of American 

 material goods. 



ECONOMICS 



Modem Shonto derives four-fifths of its income directly from White 

 sources (cf. table 21, p. 137) as against one-fifth from what may be 

 termed native resources. Nevertheless the latter continue to take prec- 

 edence. Navahos behave as if they were actually living on their na- 

 tive resources, supplemented voluntarily by wagework, relief, and the 



