98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184 
acres each; 6, between 15.1 and 20.0; 3, between 20.1 and 25.0; 2, 
between 25.1 and 30.0 acres each. Then there are one holder with 
34.41 acres and one with 56.21 acres. 
Twenty-three (31 percent) of the 74 landholders are women. They 
hold 46 (12.6 percent) of the 364 tracts comprising 57.2 acres (9.2 
percent) of cultivated land. The women landholders have an aver- 
age of 2 tracts apiece; the men, 6.2; they have an average of a little 
less than 2.5 acres of cultivated land per person as compared with 
slightly more than an average of 11 acres apiece per man. Women 
thus definitely play a minor role in landholding. 
Jose Rey Shije was by far the largest landholder in 1936. He held 
14 tracts of cultivated land totaling 56.21 acres plus one plot of not- 
cultivated of 4.10 acres, making a total of 60.31 acres. Jose was born 
about 1868. He was a member of the Tobacco clan. He married 
Luciana Salas of Antelope Washpa. He was a member of the Shima 
society, and had served as Masewi, lieutenant governor, and governor. 
He became interested in Mrs. Crawford, the evangelist who figured 
prominently in the heresy at Sia (see p. 68). Jose died in 1937. 
The smallest landholder among the men was Salvador Shije, Jose 
Rey Shije’s brother: he had only one tract of 1 acre. The next was 
Juan Pedro Pino, born about 1848, Tobacco clan, married Catiye of 
Antelope Washpa clan, had seven sons and three daughters. He was 
the head of the Flint society. In 1936 he was, of course, a very old 
man and perhaps he had handed his land on to his children. 
The smallest of all landholders was Harviana Toribio: She had only 
1 tract, of 0.18 acre. Of the 23 female landholders 8 had less than 1 
acre each. The largest landholder among the women was Juana 
Rosita Moquino, born about 1872, Tobacco clan, married a Hopi, had 
three sons and one daughter. She and some of her children joined 
the heretical movement. 
CUSTOMS OF LANDHOLDING 
The following data were obtained from one of my best informants 
in 1957. All land belongs, in theory at least, to the community, to 
the pueblo; individuals have only the right to use land which has been 
assigned to them. In practice, however, it appears that a person ac- 
tually owns outright any land which has been allocated to him: he 
may sell or trade it to someone else. Even if he ceases to use it and 
allows it to remain idle ‘‘they won’t take it away from him.” In 
theory, the cacique is the ultimate authority in assigning land, but in 
practice it is the governor who makes the assignments. 
When new land has been put under irrigation it is apportioned 
among the men who worked on the project, made the ditches, etc. ; the 
