190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184 
only one other case of intraclan marriage among the 94: Juan Shije, 
born about 1862, Sia Corn clan, married a woman in his own clan. 
Juan Shije was cacique of Sia, but what bearing this may have, if any, 
upon his intraclan marriage we do not know. 
We found two cases of marriage between Sia and Acoma Corn clans, 
but these are regarded as separate kinship groups. But we found 
only one marriage between the three named Washpa lineages: an An- 
telope Washpa man married a Cochiti Washpa woman. 
Each clan has a male head and a female head; the latter is the “eld- 
est daughter’ of the clan. Female and male heads of clans in 1957 
were: Sia Corn, Loretta Shije and Juan Shije; Acoma Corn, Vicentita 
Pino, Eliseo Aguilar; Antelope Washpa, Isidora Pino (who succeeded 
Rita Shije), and Jose Pino; Sia Washpa, Trinidad Gachupin and Jose 
Gachupin; Coyote, Martina Pino and Toribio Aguilar; Water, Theo- 
dora Shije, no male head; Bear, no female member, Jose la Cruz Gal- 
van; Tobacco, Juana Rosita Moquino and Viviano Herrera. Male 
heads of clans assist the Tiamunyi in the selection of officers, as we 
have seen. 
Only four clans have sacred bundles or fetishes; they are the ones 
from which caciques are chosen, namely, Sia Corn, Acoma Corn, Sia 
Washpa, and Antelope Washpa. Details of the significance of these 
paraphernalia were unobtainable, but the relationship to the office of 
cacique seems apparent. 
The clan at Sia regulates marriage to the extent of clan exogamy. 
It is a mutual aid group, also, to some extent; one is closer to a clans- 
man than to a nonclansman, at least theoretically. And some cere- 
monial functions are indicated by the possession of bundles or fetishes 
by the four clans mentioned above. More than this, clans at Sia have 
no functions so far as I could ascertain. Stevenson (1894, pp. 12, 112) 
emphasizes that family ties take precedence over clan ties in times of 
emergency, such as threatened starvation. I had no occasion to note 
the relative importance of family versus clan ties, but I feel sure that 
Stevenson’s observation was sound. 
KINSHIP 
RELATIONSHIP TERMS 
I have found it difficult to obtain data on relationship terms at 
every Keresan pueblo with which I have worked, and Sia was no 
exception in this respect. This is not due, I am sure, to a particular 
unwillingness on the part of the informant but rather to a genuine 
difficulty which he experiences in this area; he is not accustomed to 
thinking of relationship terms as a general kind of behavior. One 
informant said, in reply to the question, “what do you call your 
