196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184 
“mother”? for these relatives. But one informant gave ‘‘son” and 
“daughter” for the children of grandson and granddaughter. 
Thus we see that the kinship terminology is in a process of transition 
from one of the Crow type to a bilateral and generational system: 
father’s sister is classed with mother and mother’s sister; both maternal 
and paternal cross cousins are called “brother’’ and “‘sister’’ by some 
informants. Of the features of the Crow terminology, only the re- 
lationship between mother’s brother and sister’s son, m. sp., remains 
and even it is giving way in the usage of some informants. The 
terminology has undergone more change in ego’s father’s matrilineage 
than in his own. 
The reasons for believing that the change is in the direction toward 
a bilateral system and away from Crow type terminology, rather than 
the reverse, are: (1) Some of the earliest observations of kinship 
terminology among the Keres give terms of the Crow type rather than 
of a bilateral system. (2) The change from a Crow terminology to 
one of a bilateral type would be the result of a breakdown rather than 
of development, and the culture in general is tending to break down. 
(3) There are indications that the influence of clan and lineage organ- 
ization upon kinship terminology, which would tend to produce Crow 
features (White, 1939), is diminishing. (4) The influence of Spanish 
and American usage has been in the direction of bilaterality. 
TERMS OF AFFINITY 
Apart from “husband” and “wife” there are only two terms of affin- 
ity: wati, male in-law; and Biye, female in-law. The prefix sa means 
“my,’’ as in the case of terms of consanguinity. But the prefix cko or cki 
means “he, or she, whose male in-law I am,”’ in the case of ckiwati; “‘he, 
or she, whose female in-law I am,” in the case of ckosiye (White, 
1942 a, p.160,n.141). The application of terms is shown in figure 24. 
The terms s4okwi, wife, and satcu, husband, are not used much, if 
at all, in direct address. If a married couple have children, teknony- 
my is almost always resorted to, the husband calling his wife “‘so-and- 
so’s mother,” the wife calling her husband ‘‘so-and-so’s father.” If 
they have both male and female children either sex may be used in tek- 
nonymous reference; there is no preference for either boy or gir]. If 
a couple have no children they usually call each other “father” and 
“mother.’”’ This is considered “‘kinder, more polite”: “they call each 
other father and mother because they take care of each other.” 
Consanguine terms are commonly used in direct address for one’s 
spouse’s parents—‘“‘father”’ and ‘‘mother’’—and for the spouse of one’s 
child—‘‘son”’ and “‘daughter.”” They may be, and probably are gen- 
erally, used, in direct address at least, to designate the spouses of 
siblings of one’s own parents and grandparents, e.g., father’s brother’s 
