58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 175 



(pt. 4, pp. 202-212), the deleterious effects of contact with magical 

 powers only become evident in the long run.^^ 



However, the owner of shamanistic powers faces not only one type 

 of risk; he is actually caught in a "double bind" (Devereux, 1939 d; 

 Bateson et al., 1956). If he becomes a practicing shaman, his power 

 may eventually "go wrong," and cause him to become a witch. This, 

 in turn, involves him in an ever expanding series of vicious circles, 

 sometimes culminating in the urge to commit vicarious suicide 

 (Kroeber, 1925 a; Devereux, 1937 c) . If, on the other hand, he refuses 

 to utilize his powers, and does not become a practicing shaman, the 

 damming up of his unexpended powers will cause him to become 

 insane. 



The fact that the shaman finds liimself in a "double bind" may 

 explain why the Mohave believe that some unborn children, who 

 receive shamanistic powers while still in the maternal womb, simply 

 refuse to be born. Such a fetus assumes a transversal position in 

 the womb, killing both himself and his mother during parturition 

 (Devereux, 1948 e) . Given this attitude toward shamanistic powers, 

 it is not surprising that some individuals, who have received sha- 

 manistic powers in dream, prefer to run the risk of becoming in- 

 sane, by refusing to use their shamanistic powers, rather than expose 

 themselves to the manifold tangible inconveniences and risks which 

 confront every shaman.^^ 



The motives of those who reject their shamanistic powers can be 

 divided into two categories : sociocultural and intrapsychic. 



Social and cultural motives. — The nuclearity of the shaman in 

 Yuma — and INIohave — society and culture was given explicit recog- 

 nition by Koheim (1932), who defined the Yuma shaman as the 

 "group ideal." In fact, in contemporary Mohave society the shaman 

 is, if possible, even more of a social cynosure (La Barre, 1946) than 

 he was in aboriginal times, when the eminence of chiefs and tribal 

 heroes rivaled his own. In addition, in a dream culture (Kroeber, 

 1925 a), such as that of the Mohave, shamanistic beliefs necessarily 

 occupy a nuclear position within the framework of culture as a whole. 

 Finally, the shaman's social and cultural significance is also high- 

 lighted by his indispensability as an anthropological informant. 



These facts have tended to obscure both the genuine drawbacks and 

 risks of being a shaman, and the extreme ambivalence of the Mohave 

 toward all shamans, be they good or bad. 



*8 In the same way, an untrained person worklns with X-rays may sustain burns al- 

 most at once, while expert radiologists, who talie adequate precautions, may escape barm 

 for many years. 



*» The rejection of supernatural powers, and even of positions of great social eminence, 

 is Icnown to occur in a great many primitive, as well as advanced societies. Hence, even 

 though the present discussion is limited to the Mohave, many of the findings above are also 

 applicable to other ethnic groups. 



