518 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 175 



(c) Aggression allegedly motivated entirely by a threat to a basic 

 value of Mohave culture, but actually motivated in part by a factor 

 which IMohave society does not consider a legitimate cause for ag- 

 gression, is exemplified by the slaying of Vaha Munyu: (Case 131). 



(d) Atypical aggression by a maladjusted person, whose alcohol- 

 ism is symptomatic of his neurosis, is exemplified by the beatings 

 O :otc received fi'om her first husband (Case 129) . 



2. Disguised aggression. 



(a) "Jocose" aggression against other men participating in the 

 serial rape of women is typefied by the pushmg of a drunken man's 

 face against a woman's genitals (Devereux 1950 a) . 



(h) "Jocose" aggression against dnmken women subjected to 

 serial rape is exemplified in the burning of two women's pubic 

 hair (Case 139). 



(<?) Aggressive impulses masked by incestuous ones are usually 

 manifested by means of witchcraft (pt. 7, pp. 371-426) . 



3. Aggression against the self. 



(a) Self-destruction due to aggressive impulses originally di- 

 rected at other persons is exemplified by suicide (Case 135) . 



(b) Self-destructiveness due to guilt feelings caused by previous 

 acts of witchcraft usually takes the form of a confession (Cases 

 139, 140). 



(c) Self-destructiveness in individuals preoccupied with thoughts 

 about lost love objects is exemplified by Cases 137 and 138. 



Perhaps the most striking aspect of the aggressive behavior of 

 intoxicated Mohave Indians is the almost total absence of attacks 

 directed at individuals w^io do not belong to the Mohave tribe. 

 This observation cannot be understood without a brief analysis of 

 the history of Mohave aggressiveness. 



In aboriginal times the Mohave Indian had ample opportunities 

 to manifest his aggressions by making war on his neighbors. War- 

 fare, undertaken in an almost sportive and yet doggedly obstinate 

 frame of mind, was, at that time, an integral part of JMohave life 

 (Kroeber, 1925 a, 1925 b; McNichols, 1944; Stewart, 1947 c). This 

 outlet for aggressive impulses enabled the warlike INIohave to behave 

 in a conspicuously peaceful manner within the tribe. Hence, despite 

 belief in witchcraft, IMohave society was not steeped in tlie oppres- 

 sive atmosphere of hag-ridden terror so characteristic of the alleg- 

 edly Apollonian Ilopi Indians (Simmons, 1942). The stubborn, 

 individualistic and temperamental Mohave warriors did not have 

 to press a lid of pseudo peaceful imassertiveness on a boiling witches' 

 cauldron of hate, suspicion, and fear. Two men might, now and 

 then, come to blows; families contending for the ownership of a 

 piece of land might sometimes engage in highly fonnalized and 

 rather harmless "battles" (pt. 7, pp. 35G-371) ; a particularly obnox- 



