144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 195 



Dorsey (1884 a, p. 263) notes that the "Couvade is not practiced 

 among the ^egiha. Foeticide is uncommon." 



The umbilical cord of the child was commonly placed in a buckskin 

 amulet made especially to preserve it. These amulets were still being 

 manufactured by Ponca mothers for their children in 1954. These 

 fetishes were usually in the shape of a horned toad for boys and in 

 the shape of a turtle for girls. The horned toad symbolized endurance 

 and longevity, the turtle fertility. In earlier times such fetishes were 

 worn on the clothing of the child until puberty, but at the time of 

 my fieldwork they were wrapped in cloth and secreted by the mother 

 in a bureau drawer or other hiding place. 



Concerning infancy, PLC stated: 



Ponca children were very carefully brought up in the old days. At first the 

 mother carried the child around on a cradleboard that was fastened to her back. 

 This could be set up against a tree when she was working around the camp. It 

 had a wooden bow in front so that if it fell over the baby wouldn't fall face down 

 in the dirt. 



The down of the cattail was used by Ponca mothers as a talcum for 

 their babies, as a padding for cradleboards, and in quilting baby wrap- 

 pings. Newborn infants were also laid in it (Gilmore, 1919, pp. 64-65). 



Most Ponca mothers of both bands still breast feed their babies 

 if it is physically possible. Gilmore (1919, p. 136) mentions the use 

 of an infusion of skeletonweed stems by mothers having a scanty 

 supply of milk in order to increase the flow. 



PLC mentioned that "when babies' teeth began coming in, they 

 were given a piece of dried meat to chew on to help this along." All 

 informants, when questioned as to the age of infants at creeping, 

 standing, walking, and talking, stated that it was "just the same as 

 White people." Although no detailed study was made in this area, 

 I observed nothing which would negate this statement. 



Unfortunately, early European explorers generally had little to 

 say about child development in such groups as the Ponca in early 

 post-contact times. Some interesting information concerning stages 

 in development recognized by the aboriginal Ponca is contained in 

 the Ponca folk tale "The Rabbit and the Grizzly Bear," which was 

 recorded by J. O. Dorsey (1890, p. 47): 



(1) He commenced talking, saying words here and there, not speaking plainly 

 or connectedly. (2) Next, he spoke without missing a word or syllable. (3) He 

 became like boys who pull the bow and shoot very well, and who run a little now 

 and then, but not very far. (4) He was as a youth who can draw the arrow, and 

 who runs swiftly for some time. (5) He became a young man, one of those who 

 carry the quiver and take wives. 



Little information was secured concerning child care. Dorsey 

 (1885 a, p. 107) mentions Ponca mothers scaring their children by 

 teUing them stories of InddSAnge, and thus making them behave. 

 JLR mentioned, in a story, a woman putting her niece outside the 



