Howard] THE PONCA TRIBE 163 



Indian "nationalism." Although Indians have always been fond of 

 visiting one another, until recently the mere limitation of transporta- 

 tion made it difficult to go far from home. With the advent of the 

 fast car, however, such desires could be more easily indulged. Now 

 it is common for Oklahoma Indians to make short visits to tribes in 

 Nebraska, Iowa, and even Wisconsin at powwow time. The 1952 

 Ponca powwow was attended by delegations of Omaha and Winnebago 

 from Nebraska, not to mention groups from almost all of the larger 

 Oklahoma tribes. 



Finally, I might mention Indian school contacts as a source of much 

 Pan-Indian feeling. Certainly the "Indian" clubs at schools such as 

 Haskell and Chilocco, with their multitribal membership, have been 

 responsible for a great deal of the intertribal exchange of songs, 

 dances, and costume styles. La Barre (1938) has discussed the role 

 of Indian school contacts in the diffusion of the Peyote cult. 



In summary, we may say that all of these situations and pressures 

 lean in one direction, creating a cumulative pressm^e which Pan- 

 Indianism attempts to relieve. Ethnic discrimination, in effect, is the 

 mark of the refusal of the larger society (White) to permit complete 

 merging in it of Indians who, by merging, would lose separate identi- 

 fication either with specific tribes or with Indians in general. Be- 

 cause identification with "Indians" makes one a member of a larger 

 peer group than identification with a tribe, this is the usual choice. 

 The low economic status of Oklahoma Indians, because it stands in 

 contrast to that of most Whites, also prevents the development of a 

 sense of identification with White society, and fosters a we-group 

 sense among Indians at large (the Osage excepted). 



The use of the English language works against tribal exclusiveness, 

 but is equally appropriate to Pan-Indian identification or to identi- 

 fication with Whites. Intermarriage between members of different 

 tribes works in the same manner, but there is less tendency toward 

 identification with Whites. Increased geographic mobility could 

 work in either way as well, except where ethnic discrimination makes 

 it harder for Indians to merge with Whites in the use of motels, 

 restaurants, etc. while en route, and makes points of rest dmring travel 

 more apt to have Indian associations. Indian school contacts, 

 multitribal in nature, definitely work against tribal exclusiveness 

 and for Pan-Indian identification. Because they occur in special 

 Indian schools, identification with Whites is less likely to occur. 



Having discussed these social factors which seem to have fostered 

 Pan-Indianism, we turn now to the question of Pan-Indianism as a 

 part of the larger phenomenon of "nativistic movements," and the 

 significance to be drawn from considering its nativistic aspects. 

 Linton (1943, p; 230), in his article on the subject of nativism, defines 

 such a movement as "any organized attempt on the part of the society's 



