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members to revive or perpetuate selected aspects of its cultm-e." 

 He offers a typology of such movements based upon an end-means 

 formulation. 



Linton approaches nativistic movements in the social context of 

 dominance-submission. For the subordinated groups there is a sense 

 of deprivation and frustration, and this leads them to nativistic 

 protest. Unhappy in the present, they seek to restore at least a 

 part of the past. For a number of years Linton's view expressed 

 in his paper (1943) reflected the opinion of most students in this 

 area. More recently, however, Voget (1956) and Wallace (1956) 

 have approached these phenomena on a slightly different tack, 



Voget (1956, p. 259), imder the rubric "reformative nativism," 

 discusses three charismatic movements: the Iroquois Gaiwiio (better 

 known as the Handsome Lake religion), Peyotism, and the Shaker 

 Church of the Northwest. He sees all three as movements which 

 "pave the way for a more secular, pragmatic, and accommodative 

 adjustment." He discusses Pan-Indianism (p. 259) but refuses to 

 admit it as a reformative movement because of its largely secular 

 nature (p. 260, footnote 9). For some reason he does not consider 

 Peyotism a component of Pan-Indianism (p. 260, footnote 9). 



Wallace (1956, p. 265) titles his paper "Revitalization Movements." 

 He defines such a movement as a "deliberate, organized, conscious 

 effort by members of a society to construct a more satisfying culture." 

 Important points brought out by Wallace which, in my opinion, 

 make his concept more useful than either Linton's or Voget's, are 

 found in his discussion of the "Varieties and Dimensions of Varia- 

 tion" which a movement may have (pp. 275-279). Points two and 

 three seem particularly relevant to a discussion of Pan-Indianism. 

 For one thing, a movement may be more or less religious, and Wallace 

 notes a trend away from religious bases of action (p. 277). In 

 point three, "Nativism," he points out that the amount of nativistic 

 activity in a revitalization movement is likewise variable. Some 

 movements, for example, are antinativistic from a cultural stand- 

 point, though quite nativistic as to personnel (p. 278). Mead's 

 (1956) recent study of the Manus "New Way" illustrates this very 

 weU. Rather than attempt a revival of their old culture in the face 

 of deprivation and frustration, the Manus have made a heroic attempt 

 to discard as much as possible of both their material and nonmaterial 

 past. At the other end of the scale we might place the Iroquois 

 Gaiwiio, which retained great amounts of the existing culture pattern 

 unchanged. Most movements, including Pan-Indianism, fall some- 

 where in between, retaining those elements of the old considered 

 useful or attractive, adapting others, and casting aside the rest. 

 The culture, through the revitalization movement, thus is reshaped 

 to fit the altered conditions faced by the society that bears it. 



