60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 197 



Navalios into the larger society by permitting a large number of 

 young Navalios to experience the values and opportunities inherent 

 in off-reservation life. Secondly, the rapid growth of educational 

 facilities since the war has provided the majority of Navaho youth 

 with opportunities for education which approach those of general 

 American youth for the first time in history. Also for the first time, 

 the majority of Navaho children are achieving at least minimal 

 literacy in the English language. The third factor is perhaps the 

 most significant, since it has been accompanied by a shift in emphasis 

 in the curriculums toward more intensive preparation for growing 

 participation in the general society (Thompson, 1957, pp. 101 ff. ; 

 Havighurst, 1957, p. 113) . Although the need to relate the educational 

 process to the life of the typical Navaho child is still recognized, 

 greater emphasis is now being given to the even more pressing need 

 for preparing increasing numbers of Navalios to establish themselves 

 in off -reservation life. This latter objective is dictated by the harsh 

 realities of limited land resources and population growth, wliich are 

 forcing a growing number of Navalios to seek their livelihood away 

 from the reservation or assume dependency status. The tremendous 

 efforts to bring the Navalios into the schools, especially evident since 

 1950, reflect the general recognition of the fact that only a minority of 

 Navalios can hope to maintain even minimal living standards through 

 the pursuit of their traditional modes of livelihood on the reservation 

 itself. If the progress of the past few years in the educational field 

 can be maintained, the outlook for a successful solution to this funda- 

 mental problem of land resources versus population growth is hopeful. 



THE ORGANIZATION OF THE NAVAJO TRIBAL COUNCIL 9^ 



Prior to 1923, there existed no official representative group for the 

 Navaho tribe as a whole. Although the chief of an outfit or grazing 

 community could be easily identified at any given time and place, 

 the role of chief was usually held by different persons at different 

 times. A number of outstanding Navaho chiefs did arise from time 

 to time, but their influence w^as heavily dependent upon the particular 

 chief's personality and the particular situation which produced a need 

 for his leadership. Furthermore, their influence was not derived 

 from the official prerogatives of office, but rather from their personal 

 and demonstrated qualities of leadership. Thus the mantle of leader- 

 ship could be shifted swiftly and informally from one person to an- 

 other according to the dictates of circumstance and community 

 feelings (Hill, 1940 b, p. 23). The looseness of this kind of political 

 organization made it difficult to administer Navaho affairs through 

 any centralized agency of government. Therefore, as time went on, 



*' The following discussion is based primarily upon the account given In Young, 1954, 

 pp. 77-82, duplicated in Young, 1955, pp. 112-119. 



