Johnston] NAVAHO POPULATION 149 



generations, with the possible exception of the influenza pandemic of 

 1918-19. Furthermore, it should be noted that the Navalio popula- 

 tion totals obtained from both sources represent de jure rather than 

 de facto populations, so that the impact of selective off-reservation 

 migration should, in theory, be minimal. 



It also can be concluded that significant improvements in the age 

 data that are obtained from the Navaho or other similar population 

 cannot be realized by either the registration procedures convention- 

 ally employed in maintaining tribal rolls, or by large-scale surveys, 

 such as occur during the decennial censuses. Although intensive 

 "depth interview" techniques, such as were employed with the Ramah 

 population, evidently produce improved age data by virtue of ex- 

 haustive cross-checking and verification, such techniques are obviously 

 impracticable in large-scale field surveys. The substantial cost of 

 employing such procedures on a large scale would be prohibitive.^ 



DATA ON FERTILITY AND MORTALITY 



Little is known of either the fertility or the mortality of the 

 Navaho Indians, at least until the relatively recent past. The lack 

 of precise knowledge is only partly attributable to the inadequate 

 registration of births and deaths, as reflected in the statistics pre- 

 sented in table 29. This lack is also attributable to the profound fear 

 traditionally elicited among Navahos by the presence of a dead body. 

 This fear, grounded in religious beliefs, is manifested in an extreme 

 reluctance to handle the dead, or remain in their presence, or even to 

 discuss the occurrence of death.^ As for births, the chief obstacle to 

 their registration has been, until relatively recent times, the lack of 

 hospital facilities and the reluctance of many Navahos to utilize the 

 facilities that were available. 



Despite the absence of adequate vital statistics, however, it is X30S- 

 sible to infer something of the broad outlines of Navaho vital rates on 

 the basis of the evident growth in their numbers and their persistently 

 high fertility. In general, Navaho death rates appear to have re- 

 mained well below their birth rates since their return to their former 

 homelands in 1869. There is little evidence among the Navaho of 



1 In observing the enumeration of Navahos during the 1960 census, I noted that the 

 "simplest" questions, such as a request for information on the ages of the members of a 

 household, frequently elicited a very lengthy debate, accompanied by considerable puzzle- 

 ment, disagreement, and of course, hilarity. Under these circumstances, enumerators 

 were likely to record the best approximation they could arrive at without attempting to 

 verify their information. 



=* The implications of this traditional attitude toward death for the maintenance of 

 accurate mortality statistics should not be overlooked. iWilliam Adams, who lived in the 

 Shonto community for a number of years and made careful observations of Navaho life 

 and customs, observes (1963, p. 90) that "No medical examinations have ever been held 

 or death certificates issued for Shonto's dead." The situation would not likely be much 

 different in a number of other communities that were, until the late 1950's, equally isolated. 

 The avoidance taboos associated with death among the Navaho are discussed briefly in 

 Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1951, oh. 5. 



