12 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 
ftn. 5), and measles have been much blamed for epi- 
demic reductions of native populations at the Con- 
quest, the symptoms enumerated in the Annals of the 
Cakchiquels (Brinton, 1885) regarding these three 
major 16th-century epidemics strongly suggest influ- 
enza of the virulent (autumn) 1918 type in the 
United States and elsewhere. This diagnosis was 
tentatively made after consultation with Dr. K. F. 
Meyer, University of California bacteriologist. 
Brasseur’s suggestion of spyhilis can hardly be con- 
sidered, because of the symptoms; also, syphilis was 
probably endemic, while this epidemic came with the 
Spanish. Shattuck’s suggestion that it was smallpox 
is little more acceptable in view of the nature of the 
disease and the fact that smallpox was known as 
“viruelas.’ Nor is Brinton’s idea that it was measles 
(ibid., p. 207) in keeping with the symptoms, which 
were fever, coughing, sore, swollen throat and nose, 
accompanied by nosebleed. There were a “lesser” and 
a “greater” pestilence, the latter of which may have 
been the pneumonic type (ibid., p. 194). The sud- 
denness of seizure, rapidity of spread, and great num- 
bers infected (ibid., p. 171) as well as relative 
immunity of children (ibid., p. 173) and high adult 
mortality (ibid., p. 171) are also in keeping with the 
characteristics of influenza. 
Most convincing of all, however, is the fact that, 
prior to the 1559 epidemic, which was said to have 
come “from a distance,” “six months after the arrival 
of” a President Royal from Spain (ibid., p. 194), 
there was a 1557 influenza epidemic that ravaged 
“all of Europe,” occurring in Madrid in August 
(Vaughan, 1921, table 1, p. 7; Hirsch, 1883-86, vol. 
1, p. 8, dates the disease in Sicily, July, and Spain, 
October). The Thomson monograph (1933, p. 5) 
mentions the same epidemic (from Hirsch, 1883-86, 
vol. 1), characterizing it as “mild,” and “from Asia,” 
and quotes Stowe’s “Annales” to the effect that an 
epidemic raged in England during the harvest of 1558. 
The 1559 outbreak in Guatemala was said to have 
been of the same type as that of 1523 (Brinton, 1885, 
p. 194). An epidemic of influenza was “‘widespread 
over all of Europe” in 1510 (Vaughan, ibid., whose 
data were apparently from Hirsch, 1883-86, vol. 1, 
p. 8; for a fuller discussion of this subject, see Mc- 
Bryde, 1940; for reference to other diseases, see 
Shattuck, 1939). 
LADINOS 
Because of the importance of the term “Ladino” 
in Guatemala, and the common misinterpretation of 
it by foreigners, it is well to consider the significance 
of the word. The greatest differences between an 
Indian and a Ladino are in culture rather than in 
blood. The latter speaks Spanish as a native tongue, 
though he may know an Indian dialect as well; he 
probably wears a necktie, shoes, and any other ele- 
ments of European dress that he can afford; usually, 
though not always, he lives in town, and his house 
is ordinarily more elaborate than an Indian hut. The 
possession of a significant number of these traits 
makes one a Ladino (pls. 40, a, d, e, and 41, b). 
Only Indians have “cofradias’” (religious brother- 
hoods) and “brujos” (medicine men), and speak 
Indian dialects when conversing among themselves. 
The distinction is sometimes so hard to draw that 
illustrations will be necessary for clarification. In 
the Chicacao market during 1936 I frequently saw a 
large blonde woman with reddish hair and ruddy 
complexion, dressed like her Indian mother, in full 
Atitlan costume. Her father was French, yet she 
lived like an Indian, and was so regarded by every- 
one, despite the fact that her European traits were 
unmistakable. Ladinos on the other hand may have 
pure Indian blood, and it is only their mode of life 
which puts them into the presumably physical cate- 
gory of “Ladino.” This must be borne in mind in 
considering the 1921 Guatemala census figures. 
Census takers were instructed merely to note “dis- 
creetly,” on the basis of “easily recognized” charac- 
teristics, whether a person is Indian or Ladino, with 
no embarrassing questions asked. “The character- 
istics of each race are clearly marked. Note them in 
a discreet manner. ... The race of each person shall 
be written without asking questions. ...” (Mini- 
sterio de Fomento, 1926, vol. 1, p. 82.) 
Simply wearing shoes and speaking fluent Spanish 
does not make an Indian a Ladino. The Atitlan 
butcher in the Panajachel Indian market certainly 
qualified in at least these two respects, and seemed 
to want to be a Ladino. But no native ever con- 
sidered him one. If he moved to another community 
and opened a store, however, he could pass for a 
Ladino. 
Though the etymology of the word “Ladino” is 
obscure and somewhat confusing, the definition given 
by Velazquez de la Cadena (Dictionary, 1868 edi- 
tion) is enlightening: “1. Versed in an idiom, speak- 
ing various languages fluently. 2. Sagacious, cun- 
ning, crafty. 3. ‘Negro ladino’ (Am.). A negro who 
speaks Spanish so as to be understood.” All but the 
third meaning were given also in the Dictionary of 
