64 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 
like the latter, large enough to occupy the major 
portion of a room of average size. For these looms 
special houses or shelters are constructed, or else 
separate rooms or sections of rooms. Sometimes 
looms are unsheltered, as in parts of the Cuchuma- 
tanes region (pl. 37). They are operated by men, 
usually Indians, and they are more often rural than 
urban, except for the Huehuetenango Ladinos. Gen- 
erally, weavers and members of their families card 
and spin wool which they buy in bulk (pls. 33, a, b, d; 
35, d). Foot-loom weaving of cotton goods differs, 
then, from wool weaving in that the latter is generally 
the work of rural Indian men using yarn spun by 
themselves or their families. Solid wooden spinning 
wheels are generally used, but spindle sticks are some- 
times employed, especially when the weavers are 
away from home (pls. 19, d; 33, 34, b; 37, b, d, e). 
Sources of raw wool are shown on map 16. Sheep 
are confined to the cool alpine meadows (especially 
in the fog belt), above an elevation of about 2,000 m. 
(p. 38 and pls. 32; 37, a), and more flocks are pre- 
dominantly “black” (dark brown) than otherwise. 
This is due to the heavy demand for the natural dark 
brown wool, which is widely used undyed. 
The greatest single center of foot-loom wool 
weaving in Central America is that of Momoste- 
nango. The extremely leached soil and badly eroded 
surfaces of this region have been alluded to earlier 
(pls. 29, c; 30, ce, f), with the suggestion that this 
may in part account for the emphasis upon weaving, 
for want of self-support from agriculture. The oc- 
currence of hot springs is also an environmental ad- 
vantage, important to the felting process. This con- 
sists in alternately soaking a blanket in hot water, 
(natural or artificial heat, with or without soap) and 
treading it, slapping it vigorously on a rock, pulling, 
“snapping,” and wringing it, there generally being 
two men involved in the process (pl. 34, a, d, ¢), 
which usually requires 2 hours or more. 
Other important wool-weaving municipios are 
Nahuala—Santa Catarina Ixtahuacan, Chichicaste- 
nango, San Francisco el Alto, Comitancillo, and 
numerous communities in and near the Cuchuma- 
tanes, including Huehuetenango, Santa Barbara, 
Chiantla, and Aguacatan, along the southern margin 
of that massif (see map 16, and note the central 
location of Momostenango—an advantage in obtain- 
ing raw wool). 
The most important and best-known products of 
Momostenango are blankets, made by sewing to- 
gether (with wool thread) two widths of cloth, 
ranging between 24 and 33 inches, the latter being 
usually a maximum for the standard-sized loom. 
Sometimes one-piece blankets are woven, as wide 
as 5 or 6 feet. An average blanket length is about 
80 inches, and they are generally fringed with tassels 
4 or 5 inches in length, formed by the loose, twisted 
ends of the warp (pl. 33, ¢). Checked and striped 
patterns predominate, with many blankets resembling 
Scotch plaids (pl. 35,a). Creative genius appears in 
some of the strange men and beasts that are some- 
times worked into a textile piece, which may depict 
ethnographic scenes. I once purchased a Momoste- 
nango blanket which was decorated with deer-dancers 
(Indians performing a ceremonial dance, wearing 
deer masks, as is commonly done in the Cuchumatanes 
region; see pl. 34, g, inset figures). It was said that 
the technique of weaving “doll” (mumfeca) and animal 
designs was an innovation, in practice only since 
about 1925. Dr. O’Neale observed a strong resem- 
blance in this to modern Peruvian wool weaving, and 
suggested that the ideas may have stemmed from 
a clever Momosteco who probably saw one of these 
imported pieces in a Guatemala City store. Local in- 
formants said doll blanket weaving began in the late 
1920's, starting with one Indian who was regarded 
as “queer” and who is credited with having originated 
the idea. A “diamond” center commonly employed 
suggests Mexican influence. Some of the “doll” 
blankets are beautifully made, and are very heavy 
and finely felted (pl. 34, g). They are the most ex- 
pensive pieces woven in Momostenango, and they 
bring a high price. Virtually all of these are sold to 
tourists, who pay (1936) as much as $25 for them 
in the more extravagant shops of Guatemala City. 
From the makers they could be bought for as low as 
$5, which is still high when compared with the price 
range of ordinary blankets ($1.50-$3). 
Lengths of suit cloth (usually 26 in. wide and 19 
ft. long) are made ona large scale at Momostenango 
(pl. 34, f), as are scarves (especially “bufanta,” with 
cotton warp, wool weft, an industry said to have be- 
gun in 1934) and rodilleras; the latter are black-and- 
white checked knee-length skirts worn by men in 
many parts of the Highlands. They are sold in quan- 
tity as far away as Tecpan. Heavy felt saddle blan- 
kets are made on a small scale. 
A “schedule” as given by a Momostenango family 
of blanket weavers follows: Sunday—(morning) 
market, sell cloth, buy wool and perhaps yarn, 
(afternoon) card and spin the wool and skein the 
