142 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 
accounts. In any event, this crop, as in the case of any 
alcoholic beverages that may have once been made, has been 
strongly checked by Government regulations controlling to- 
bacco and liquor production. When I occasionally saw 
a tobacco plant growing near an Indian’s house, he would 
never admit its identity. The plant does not grow in any 
quantity in the area today. Termer (1929, p. 29) described 
the cultivation of tobacco in the Copan valley as a fairly 
large-scale industry, favored by climate, especially the fine 
rains (“grano de oro”) of the transplanting season (October- 
November), heavy rains at that time being injurious and 
limiting tobacco growing in parts of the Atlantic seaboard 
(Termer, 1929, p. 29). This may also be a limiting factor 
along the Pacific coast. 
Greens and herbs.—Many leafy parts of plants, both 
cultivated and wild, fill an important element of the Indians’ 
diet, which is so predominantly starchy. Chipilin (Crotalaria 
longirostrata) and bledo (Amaranthus sp.), both sometimes 
cultivated, are for the most part gathered in the woods and 
fields (p. 147). The frequent use of greens of various of 
the cucurbits, notably giiisquil (Sechium edule), has already 
been mentioned. Many herbs are employed as medicines. 
CULTIVATED AND SEMICULTIVATED PLANTS 
EMPLOYED IN TEXTILE CRAFTS 
CENTURY PLANT (MAGUEY, AGAVE SPP.) 
The century plant is a widely utilized plant in Southwest 
Guatemala, particularly above about 1,500 m. (4,921 ft.), 
in the drier Highlands, where it attains its maximum size 
and abundance. It is used in the Lake Atitlan villages in 
the making of ropes, cordage, nets, bags, and the like, a 
major industry of San Pablo, San Pedro, and San Juan, 
though in other villages (Atitlan, San Marcos, Santa Cruz, 
Santa Catarina) small-scale noncommercial cordmaking is 
practiced, Buds and leaf bases of the mescal agave are 
cooked and eaten, being somewhat sweet when roasted or 
baked.** The huge flower stalks (diameter at base about 
8 in.) are made into ladders (e.g., Santa Catarina, San 
Pedro) by cutting notches about 1% feet apart along one 
side; they serve as aqueducts split and laid end to end 
(San Marcos la Laguna) ; as giiisquil enclosures; as fences 
of close-bound, upright stalks (San Pedro la Laguna) ; and 
even rafters and chicken coops (San Pedro la Laguna); 
corncrib ridge poles (Santa Catarina Palopéd); and have 
other minor uses. Abundant growth of maguey around the 
Lake is to be noted, however, only at the western end, where 
it is cultivated for ropes (see p. 103). A very large variety 
thrives at San Pedro (pls. 22, c; 26, d). Paul C. Standley. 
on the basis of photographs and descriptions, thought it 
might be in the genus Furcraea, as many of the fiber magueys 
are. The San Pedro maguey is called maguey de lasso or 
de pita in contradistinction to the mescal (probably species of 
Agave) of the other areas around the Lake. It is the latter 
which supplies an edible bud. Various species of maguey 
appear in great profusion through the sides and floor (often 
along roads and trails) of the Quezaltenango-Totonicapan 
Valley, especially a broad-leaved variety, probably A. tecta 
(pls. 29, c; 38, a; 41, d). Here however, there is little 
231 This was one of the few pre-Columbian sources of sugar, not so 
sweet as honey, but much more abundant. 
utilization of it, possibly because the leaves, from which the 
fibers are derived, are not so long as those of magueys else- 
where. Other industries, notably pottery and weaving, oc- 
cupy the inhabitants. Their rope work comes mainly from 
Coban and San Pablo la Laguna. 
In all probability the more useful species of Agave were 
introduced from Mexico, Standley and Calderén (1925, pp. 
50-51) suggest this with regard to three species in El Sal- 
vador, out of a total of eight listed by them. Of the two 
major ones for henequen extraction, A. letonae (said to be 
superior to sisal) is regarded as native to eastern Salvador; 
A. sisalana {. armata is said to be “possibly introduced from 
Mexico” (Standley and Calderén, 1925, pp. 50-51). 
Historical evidence of Mexican introduction of certain 
agaves at the Conquest of Guatemala may be found in an 
obscure passage in the journal of Alonso Ponce’s travels 
through Guatemala. Describing the vicinity of Ciudad Vieja 
in 1586, the anonymous chronicler writes of “some Mexican 
varieties of magueys planted by the Mexicans who accom- 
panied the Spaniards in their Conquest” (Ponce, 1873, vol. 
1, p. 421). 
Diversity of Mexican agaves is extraordinary. Standley 
(1920-26, pp. 107-142) lists 170 species. Of those A. tequi- 
lana, famous for the distilled liquor “mezcal de Tequila,” 
and A. atrovirens, for the great Mexican pulque industry of 
the central valley, serve uses in Mexico that are unknown in 
Guatemala. It is a type like the sisal, or henequen agave (A. 
fourcroydes) of Yucatan, the significance of which has been 
approached by cértain Guatemala pita agaves. 
TUNA (“PRICKLY PEAR,” NOPALEA SPP. AND 
OPUNTIA SPP.) 
The fruits (berries) of the various cacti that are called 
tuna are eaten and much liked by the Indians, though the 
many seeds are hard and there are spines to be avoided. 
These remarks concern the usual variety grown and eaten 
in the Lake Atitlan region, and often sold in markets. It 
has a whitish-green fruit, 6 to 8 cm. long. The smaller (3-4 
cm.), red fruit of another tuna was apparently not eaten. 
Tuna as a fruit is of minor significance. Its great ancient 
role (especially Nopalea cochenillifera) was as a host plant 
of the famous insect cochineal, which was “planted” and 
propagated upon its fleshy leaves by the Aztecs to obtain 
from it the beautiful red dye. This gave rise to a colonial 
trade of immense proportions. Aniline dyes have almost 
entirely replaced cochineal, until today the use of it is rare; 
in Guatemala, mixed with aniline reds, some is still employed, 
especially at Momostenango, in dyeing wool yarn woven into 
blankets, Until about 1860, when European aniline dyes 
began to compete in the world market, cochineal cultivation 
was still very important in Guatemala, and centered around 
Antigua and Amatitlan. Reaching a peak in 1854 (Guate- 
mala production 8,786,500 francs), a decline was under way 
in the 1860's with coffee providing strong competition, 
promising a “new era of prosperity.” Dollfus and Mont- 
Serrat (1868, p. 38) dated the introduction of cochineal 
culture into Guatemala from Oaxaca as 1818, saying that 
General Bustamente effected it. He may have given an 
impetus to the cochineal industry, but that he did not actually 
introduce it-is evidenced by the following passage from the 
