LABOR 



95 



sexes divide their time about evenly between 

 kitchen and field. The average work tune of 

 children as they grow to adulthood undoubtedly 

 approaches that of men and of women, respec- 

 tiveh', for the average here given includes the 

 young children who do much less work. 



If my information is nearly correct, tlw average 

 time devoted by men, women, and children to 

 military training, all religious activity, fiesta 

 celebration and Slmday and holiday rest, and the 

 carrying on of social relations is relatively so 

 little that even adding in the time not accounted 

 for — which includes the idleness of young children 

 and the aged — it amounts to but 45 minutes a day. 

 To add to their working time substantially, there- 

 fore, the community woidd need to cut the lo 

 hours used in sleeping, eating, and resting with 

 meals; while on the other hand, to add greatly to 

 their leisure time for education, recreation, or 

 greater participation in national, social, or political 

 life, the time devoted to making a living — if 

 levels were to remain the same — woidd have to be 

 decreased by (1) improving agricultural techniques, 

 (2) relieving women of kitchen burdens through 

 technological improvements, and/or (3) improving 

 facilities for buying and sellmg (which might, 

 however, reduce the recreation afforded by the 

 market with relatively little gain in time). 



SPECIAL OCCUPATIONS 



Simple societies are usually characterized by 

 economic homogeneity. Each family earns its 

 living much like every other. In that respect 

 Panajachel is simple; so of course is a community 

 of workers in a factory, and for the same reason. 

 Panajachel is a unit in a system where regional 

 differentiation and local homogeneity are corre- 

 spondingly significant. By and large, every 

 Indian family in Panajachel earns its living in 

 about the same way: by agriculture. This is 

 especially true when one leaves out of account 

 "foreign" Indians who tend to have special occu- 

 pations, as wiU be seen below. In 1936 only four 

 of the 157 households — including Panajacheleiio 

 and foreign — did not derive their chief income 

 from the soil; all four were households of emi- 

 grants. As far as could be determined, only 50 

 other individuals engaged in any pursuit at all 

 besides farming, farm laboring, the care of domestic 

 animals, and the sale of agricultural produce. 

 And most of these special occupations were of 



little economic importance. Thus only 3 percent 

 of total tune spent on productive tasks in 1936 

 was so occupied. The relative importance of each 

 of the occupations is shown in tables 21 and 22. 

 Table 23 shows what occupations are practiced 

 by the 54 persons (in 50 households) with special- 

 ties. The combinations of special occupations are 

 frequently but not always consistent. Thus, 

 while two men are both shamans and blood- 

 letters, another is a bloodletter, an animal capon- 

 izer and a masseur, a third is a mason and a 

 carpenter, and a woman is a midwife and child- 

 curer, there are also such combinations as (a) 



T.VBLE 21. — Time devoted to trades, professions, and special 

 occupations 



' Masons: 2 full time, each 250 days; 2 part time, each 40 days. Carpenter: 

 120 days. Mason-carpenter, 60 days. 



I Including only the specialized weaving o( huipil figures. 



3 Calculatt'd on the basis of performance of 234 rituals, of which 60 were 

 away from Panajachel. Time lost by drunkenness begun in performance 

 of duty is not counted. 



Table 22. — Income from trades, professions, and special 

 occupations 



1 Masons: 2 full time each $150; 2 part time each $20. Carpenter; $50. 

 Mason -carpenter. $30. 



> Including only the specialized weaving of huipil figures; the figure of 

 earnings includes gifts. 



> Assuming that the ceremonial food is worth $1. 



