THE BUSINESS OF AGRICULTURE 



129 



only one season.'"' The Indians are not averse 

 to experiment, even in the milpa; they do try 

 fertilizers, exchange seed,''" and try out seed of 

 other localities; and occasionally vary other fac- 

 tors. It is not unreasonable to suppose that in the 

 course of the many generations they have been 

 growing corn they have found how, within their 

 cultural possibilities, to get the most out of their 

 milpas. 



In choice of crop the Indians are usually, but 

 not invariably, economical-minded. It is clear 

 that irrigable delta land is too valuable to be 

 planted with corn; the yield is not sufficiently 

 greater than on the slopes, where vegetables can- 

 not be grown well, to make it pay in comparison 

 with other crops. Yet most Indians grow milpa, 

 during the rainy season, in the delta. One explana- 

 tion is a desire for com for home use. Another is 

 that since floods occur in the rainy season, an 

 investment in vegetable gardens is risky. A very 

 few have planted small patches of corn even in the 

 dry season, with irrigation, which certainly is not 

 worth the effort on a dollar and cents basis; indeed 

 Indians say such unseasonal corn does not even 

 grow well. A fair argument may be advanced for 

 growing com instead of vegetables even when it 

 does not pay; Ladinos and Indians alike use it. 

 Com, so important in the diet, is not only expen- 

 sive in the dry season, but sometimes not locally 

 obtainable; therefore it is good to have a supply. 

 The region uses no methods of storing grain except 

 on the ear; it is difficult to buy corn on the ear, 

 for what is brought to market is always shelled; 

 therefore, it is not usually possible to buy a years' 

 supply, and it is worth some sacrifice to grow 

 one's own. The Indians do not grow more com 

 in the delta despite the shortage of hill milpa land, 

 because they cannot in most cases afford the loss 



'" Although I have notes Indicating that this is common practice, a cultural 

 factor may interfere with the free exchange of seed. When Sr. Resales in 

 1936 went around trying to buy certain kinds of seed for the experimcntai 

 milpa, and was almost always turned down, the people saying they had none 

 even when Juan was sure of the contrary. Finally one woman explained why 

 she and the others would not sell. She said that if she sold him seed, his 

 milpa would prosper and hers would not. She was finally persuaded to sell 

 on the condition that the harvest would not he distributed more widely than 

 to himself and to her. {Microfilmed notes, p. 1125.) 



'" As an example of how agricultural emergencies are treated, the following 

 note may be cited. In 1936 the crows had eaten the young plants in the 

 experimental milpa. An old Indian told Resales thai the same bad happened 

 to him, that it was not a new occurrence in the history of Panajachel, that the 

 crows did not respect even the large plants, that even scarecrows that he had 

 put up did not help. He said that he had replanted with damp seeds that 

 would germinate quickly. He approved of Juan's other plan to put branches 

 over the seeds to hide them from the crows and he advised also sprinkling 

 the ground. 



it entails. They are good enough bookkeepers to 

 make the necessary choice (if the decision is 

 conscious). That they are not perfect bookkeepers 

 will be seen below in the discussion of beans and 

 of pigs. 



I suspect that the practice of growing vegetables 

 on hill land (where water is available) will spread 

 and that a fair proportion of the hiUy slopes, at 

 least during the rainy season, may get this inten- 

 sive use. The Indians might in this manner get 

 more out of their land; however, the commonly 

 used coffee-leaves fertilizer is difficult to transport 

 to the hills. It may also be that with intensive 

 cultivation the hill lands would quickly lose their 

 fertility. 



The Panajachel Indians believe themselves 

 expert in the garden culture of the delta and find 

 it hard to get good labor from other towns. Among 

 themselves, some are known to be especially skilled 

 at certain jobs. A good deal of pride is involved, 

 and no doubt good workers keep their gardens 

 better appearing than is technically necessary. 



The Indians seem to know the virtues of different 

 soils and prefer to plant vegetables in black humus, 

 and pepinos, tomatoes, and sweetpotatoes in sandy 

 soils. They also classify the black soil into "hard" 

 and "soft," the first being preferred for garlic and 

 onions, the second for other vegetables and for 

 onion nurseries. I came across no reason to doubt 

 their judgment. 



It is apparent that unlike other vegetables, 

 beans cannot be economically grown in irrigated 

 fields because they must meet the price of beans 

 raised with little labor in the rainy-season corn- 

 fields. Yet land is consistently uneconomically 

 spent on beans. Possibly all of the Indians are 

 aware of the facts. When I discussed it with 

 them, two friends desisted from planting beans 

 (in 1937), but a third began planting the day after 

 our conversation. It was not pure irrationality. 

 Like corn, beans are an important part of the diet, 

 but the Indians have very few milpa beans. Just 

 at the season when their delta bean harvest comes 

 in, the price of milpa beans is at a peak. When 

 deciding whether to plant beans, the Indians 

 therefore weigh the choice between harvesting 

 plentiful supplies of their own or paying high 

 prices in a short market. An alternative is to buy 

 and store large quantities after the milpa harvest; 

 most Indians do not seem to have enough free 

 money to do so. Wealthy Indians also grow beans, 



