8 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY-—PUBLICATION NO. 8 
4.9. Consonant syncope. The possessive ver- 
balizing suffix -?a°y (6.12), the repetitive suffix 
-?0°y (6.14), the indirective suffix -?a?y (6.17), the 
suffixes -?a?y and -?a?y also in combined affixation 
(6.18-6.23), and the verbal pluralizing suffix 
-ta?m (8.4) fall in a position of loud stress in a 
majority of their occurrences. When they fall in 
a position of weak stress the medial glottal disap- 
pears. The initial glottal of those with initial 
glottal disappears (4.25) or metathesizes (4.23). 
?an- + *kom fill + -?a?y >*?anko?mA?y marry + 
-ne? perf. suf. >?ankd?mayné? I have married 
*ku?t eat + -?o?y >*ku?dé?y eat people + -pd’?ap 
ag. suf. > ki?doypd?ap he who eats people 
*top take out + -?a’y > *tobad’y take it out of something 
+ -ta* pas. suf. >tdbayta- it was taken out of some- 
thing 
mi- + *ku?t (eat) + -ta?m >miku?tta?m he ate you 
(pl.) + ta’ >miku’ttamtd you were eaten 
4.10. The possessive verbalizing suffix -?a°y 
(6.12), the repetitive suffix -’o?y (6.14), and the 
indirective suffix -?a?y (6.17) when followed by 
the incompletive suffix -p (8.9) as an occasional 
free variant drop the final ?y. 
hawa?nXp he has a fever (hiwan fever + -?a?y + -p) 
tAksob iSA? he is beating (a drum) (*taks hit + -?o0?y 
+ -p) 
?ina?maptim he then said to him (?i- t. p. pref. + *nam 
say + -?a?y + -p) 
4.11. The perfective suffix -ne? (8.3) and the in- 
strumentative compounding theme -ka? (6.29) fall 
in a stressed position in a great majority of their 
occurrences. When they fall in an unstressed 
position the final glottal disappears. The e of 
-ne? often assimilates to i (4.17). 
nAkniydh they have gone (#i. p. pref. + *nak go + -ne? 
+ -yah pl. suf.) 
?a?na?mnita?m we have looked at it (?an- t. p. pref. + 
*?a?m look + -ne? + -ta?m pl. suf.) 
?ikOonkané? tim serpiénte he has seated himself on a 
serpent (?i- t. p. pref. + *ko- i sit + -ka? + -ne? + 
tim serpiénte a serpent [Sp.]) 
tim ofmdéi ?ammdhkaté?m it was a bet that we had 
begun (tim otmAéi a bet + ?an- t. p. pref. + *moh 
begin + -ka? + -ta?m) 
4.12. Under certain circumstances, not all of 
which can be precisely defined, h is either very 
weakly aspirated, or disappears entirely. When 
syllable initial and following a stop, especially k, 
h often follows this pattern. 
ka:ptakém in the house of arrows (ké:ptak arrow 
house + -hom loc. suf.) 
?oka:tun godfather (?ok- nominal pref. + ha-tun father) 
?ankkpa he‘pé6m J go among the tree gourds (?ankkpa 
I go + he'p- comb. form of hép-e tree gourd [Sp. 
“Sicara’”’] + -hom loc. suf.) 
hukté6m in the fire (hukt- comb. form of hiktu fire + 
-hom) 
wadiaya husband, old man (wat- comb. form of wAti 
big + hdya male) 
hosém in the cave (hos cave + -hom) 
hamiém in the forest (hamn- comb. form of hAmii 
forest (Sp. monte) + -hom) 
kuydm ashes (kuy tree + ham lime [Sp. ‘‘cal’’]) 
*éinAk throw in a definite direction (*¢ih throw + *nak 
y go) ¥ 
tinos anus (tin excrement + hos hole, cave) 
4.13. The verbal pluralizing suffix -ta?m (8.4), 
when in word final position, as a free variant often 
loses the final m. 
?aki?mtd? or ?aki?mtai?m we climbed (?a- i. p. pref. + 
*ki?m climb, go up + -ta?m pl. suf.) 
mise'tta? or miSe*tta?m you (pl.) returned (mi- i. p. 
pref. + *set return + -ta?m) 
4.14. When geminate clusters of ? occur the 
cluster reduces to one phoneme. 
ka?sicpa thumb (ka? hand + ?4:pa mother) 
na?i-Skuy spring (Sp. ‘‘ojo de agua’) (na? water + 
?{i-Skuy eye) 
¢a’?d-pa metate (¢a? stone + ?4:pa mother) 
¢u’éSi tarantula (¢u? night + °ési crab) 
4.15. Special voicing rules for p. The incom- 
pletive suffix -pa when following a verb theme 
ending in V? becomes -ba. 
n6?ba it burns (*no? burn) 
?amp6?ba I break it (*po? break) 
?akd?ba I die (*ka? die) 
4.16. Voiceless stops have been observed to 
voice consistently in a number of cases which 
appear to follow no general rule beyond the fact 
that, with one exception, they fall between vowels. 
The most common cases noted are as follows. 
nxga go! (*nak go + -a imp. suf.) 
wadiya husband (wat- comb. form of wAti big + 
haya male) 
wa‘bak good (wa‘ good + pak enc.) 
té dawi?ki let’s eat! (te: let’s! + tawi?ki ger. verb form 
of *wi?k eat) 
éybak again (éya also + pak enc.) 
4.17. Vocalic changes. When the perfective 
suffix -ne? is followed by any suffix requiring a shift 
of accent away from the -ne?, the e varies freely 
with i. Furthermore, neither the n nor a conso- 
