38 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 8 
23.13. A locator modifying a noun will precede 
the noun if it is not compounded with it (10.20). 
nakpa ?ik¢A?y ktkma ldimar he goes to catch up with 
her in the middle of the ocean (kikma in the middle 
locator modif. lamar ocean [Sp.]) 
23.14. If both an independent subject and ob- 
FOREIGN 
Popoluca has been recognizably influenced both 
by Spanish and Aztec. We are unable to deter- 
mine the extent of the influence of the latter, since 
we know very little about the Aztec language. 
A number of common Aztec nouns have been 
noted, however, and the number is undoubtedly 
much greater. Many of these, though by no 
means all, are of a botanical nature, e. ¢., ttlin 
tule, hunikuy hule (hule Aztec “rubber” + kuy 
Popoluca “tree’”’), kakwa cacao, nanéin nanche 
(a kind of fruit), nawat nagual (“witch”). (The 
modern Hispanicized rather than the classical 
Nahautl forms of these nouns are given.) 
Spanish borrowing is on two levels: words fully 
adopted into Popoluca with appropriate sound 
and stress shifts to conform to Popoluca phonology, 
and which would not be recognized as foreign in 
origin if the derivation were not known; words 
which are sprinkled at random into everyday 
speech, but which would be suspected of foreign 
origin because of non-Popoluca phonology, even 
if the derivation were unknown. 
On the first level of borrowing are included 
many words which have no Popoluca equivalent, 
e. g., kawa caballo, SApun jabén, Siwan Juan. 
Some of the sound shifts which have occurred 
presumably reflect old speech sounds of the Span- 
ish conquerors and their followers, e. g., j > § 
in the above examples. 
Spanish o almost always is given the value of u. 
Probably this is because Popoluca o is more open 
and less rounded than Spanish 0, so that the 
latter would seem to the native ear more closely 
to resemble the Popoluca u. Thus, trihah troje 
(“storehouse”), ldpuhti lobo (“wolf’’), kusinah 
cosina (“‘kitchen’’), kun con (‘‘with’’). 
The sound f is unknown in Popoluca; in Spanish 
loan words p is substituted, e. g., kapél cafe 
(“coffee’’). 
Though rarely found in Popoluea words, | and r 
are always retained in borrowed words, e. g., 
ject follow the verb, the former usually will pre- 
cede the latter. 
?imaténpa nanAgayté-wo?m iwaddya he?m ¢é-ka she 
hears that her husband was then carried off by the 
thunderbolt (?iwaddya her husband sub. of nana- 
gayt4:;wom was then carried off, he?m ¢6‘ka the 
thunderbolt indirect obj.) 
INFLUENCE 
lamar la mar (“ocean’’), and trtihah, mentioned 
above. 
Borrowed Spanish words which end in a vowel 
often are given a final h, in contrast to the inor- 
ganic glottal often found at the end of Popoluca 
words which terminate in a short vowel, e. g., 
pa‘sah faja (‘belt’), macitih machete (“brush 
knife’). A variant of this is found in loan words 
to which a suffix -ti is added after the h, e. ¢., 
lipuhti Jobo (“wolf”), kikuhti coco (‘‘coconut’’). 
Numerals above 6 (except méni four hundred) 
are Spanish; no sound or stress shifts occur. 
Only a very few cases of Spanish expressions 
translated into Popoluca have been noted, e. g., 
naA?i-skuy ojo de agua (‘spring’) na? water + 
°{-Skuy eye. Borrowed Spanish nouns are freely 
inflected, e. g., ?iswérte sw suerte (“his luck’) < 
*i- pos. p. pref. + suerte, paylahém en la paila 
(‘in the kettle’) < paila + -hom loc. suf. 
Spanish verbs are borrowed only rarely. Those 
most commonly used are ser and tener, the former 
in the present and imperfect, e. g., ?éra hé?ay 
kA?npu it was just an egg, and the latter always in 
the third person form of tiene que he has to, regard- 
less of person, e. g., téne ké ?ampkkpa J must 
marry him. 
Compound verbs sometimes are constructed 
from a Spanish attributive plus a Popoluca verb 
stem, e. g., *ktiSuhwat make lame < ktiSuh cojo 
(“lame’’) + *wat make. Enclitics may be freely 
attached to borrowed words, e. g., ?asi?am just 
thus < ast (“thus’’?) + ?am lim. ene. 
Some Spanish words, chiefly prepositions and 
conjunctions, have been adopted so freely that 
they appear to be supplanting their Popoluca 
equivalents. In some cases we encountered no 
Popoluca equivalent at all, e. g., 71 y (“and”). 
Other Spanish phrase connectives are often used, 
sometimes alone and sometimes combined with 
the corresponding Popoluca form, e. g., porké 
porque (“because”), poréso por eso (‘‘therefore,”’ 
