boas] TSIMSHIAN SOCIETY 519 



subdivision into new lines. In small social units the reduction would 

 continue until only two exogamic units are left. 1 Among the data 

 on the laws of exogamy, all these lines of development are represented. 



If the theory outlined here is correct, we must expect to find a great 

 variety of devices used for the purpose of characterizing exogamic, 

 groups, which must develop according to the general cultural type to 

 which the people belong. It is obvious that in such cases, when the 

 characterization of the group is due to the tendency to develop a 

 distinguishing mark, all these marks must be of the same type, but 

 different in contents. It does not seem plausible that distinguishing 

 traits shoidd belong to entirely distinct domains of thought; that one 

 group might be recognized by a name, another one by a ritual, a third 

 one by crests or emblems. The fundamental principle of classifica- 

 tion as manifested in the mental life of man shows that the basis of 

 classification must always be founded on the same fundamental con- 

 cepts. We may conclude, conversely, that the homology of distin- 

 guishing marks of social divisions of a tribe is a proof that they are 

 due to a classificatory tendency. 



From these general remarks let us turn to a consideration of the 

 totemic systems of the Northwesl coast. 



The terms expressing the system of relationship of the Tsimshian 

 differ in some important points from those of the Haida and Tlingit 

 (see pp. 489 et seq.). It is particularly noticeable that among the 

 Tsimshian even more than among many other tribes with clan 2 organi- 

 zation certain terms are not confined to the members of one clan. 

 This is true particularly of all generations from the grandfather up and 

 from the grandchild down, and also for the terms for parents-in-law. 

 The two terms "child" and "nephew," when used by the two sexes, 

 designate members of different clans. The mother using the term 

 "child," and the father using the term " nephew," designate a member 

 of his or her own clan. The father using the term "child," and the 

 mother using the term "nephew," mean a member of another clan. 

 Similar conditions prevail in other tribes with clan organization, as 

 among the Iroquois. This indicates the importance of the family unit 

 quite aside from the clan relationship of individuals, and corroborates 

 the observations made before in regard to the personal relations be- 

 tween father and child. 



In order to understand the development of the modern social 

 system of the North Pacific coast, it is necessary to determine the 

 relations between the systems of the Tsimshian, Haida, and Tlingit. 



When we compare the li^t of Tsimshian crests with those of Haida 

 and Tlingit crests, the GispawadwE'da appear clearly as the equiva- 

 lent of the Haida Ravens and of the Tlingit Wolves, as indicated by 

 the following list of the more important crests: 



