278 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETH, ANN. 28 
will now be given: n’—awak, k’—awak I—THEM an., THOU—THEM an., 
respectively, have correspondents in Fox, Menominee, and Cree- 
Montagnais; k’—awawa yYE—uHIM agrees with Menominee and Cree- 
Montagnais; (n’ ?)—gunanak, (k’ ?)—gunanak THEY an.—uvs (excl. 
and incl., respectively) agree with Fox, Fort Totten Cree, and Ojibwa 
(the former also with the Cree of Horden and Montagnais) ; k’—guwa 
HE—yYOU (pl.) has a correspondent in Shawnee, Passamaquoddy, and 
Ojibwa; k’—guwawak THEY an.—you (pl.), one in Fox, Menominee, 
and Cree-Montagnais; n’—gun, k’—gun have counterparts in the Mon- 
tagnais forms for ON—mk&, TE, respectively; w’—HE (intrans.) has a 
correspondent in Eastern Algonquian, -w HE intrans. corresponds to 
Fox, Shawnee, and Peoria -wa, Cree -w, Montagnais -u; -gok THEY 
an.—THEM an. is a passive and corresponds to Fox -gdgi; the forms 
n’-, k’—ll, len; k’-; k’—4; -wak; n’—k, k’—k, n’—gook; k’—gook are 
common Central Algonquian; k’—ihenook ye—uws (excl.) is a plural- 
ized form of k’—ihhena; k’—awawak YE—THEM an. agrees with 
Menominee and Cree-Montagnais and illustrates the same formation; 
-awall THEY an.—HIM (with phonetic differences) is close to the 
Ojibwa correspondent: if w’- is to be restored, it coincides exactly; 
as it stands it agrees with the Passamaquoddy correspondent; the 
forms n’—gehhena, k’—gehhimo are palpably passives and really should 
not have been included; -gol Hr—niM, to judge from Shawnee and 
Passamaquoddy, is really a passive; as a plural THEY an.—HIM, 
it seems an extension of this; cf. n’—geneen (graphic variant for 
n’—guneen); the same applies to k’—geneen (Fox ke—gundna; 
there are correspondents in Ojibwa and Cree); w’—anawak (pre- 
sumably a variant of w’—anewak) in its last part decidedly resembles 
Cree mowanewun THEY (indefinite third person plural animate) ARE 
EATING THEM (third person plural animate);! so it is clear that the 
terminations with newo are built up on some such system, though it 
is possible that some of the forms contain inanimate objects, not ani- 
mate objects as given in the table (see the tables of the Ojibwa and 
Algonkin independent mode, pp. 263, 264). The forms n’—an,k’—an, 
w’—an are clearly of the same formation as Malecite ktian THOU 
TELLEST HIM; tian, otian HE TELLS HIM (stem ¢i); unfortunately there 
is no example available in Malecite for 1—n1m. The forms with inani- 
mate object(s) show the same type of formation as the Natick corre- 
spondents. The conjectural initial k’ restored by the writer is con- 
firmed by Sapir’s notes. In closing the discussion of the independent 
mode it may be pointed out that it is impossible for one and the same 
dialect to contain both k’—guwa and (k’ ?)—guwawak (see the tables 
for Fox, Cree, Shawnee, and Ojibwa). 
The present subjunctive does not require so detailed a report. It 
has the nasal as have Ojibwa and Peoria, but otherwise the forms are 
1 Horden, p. 115. 
