MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 283 
The semivowel w occurs after k, g, d, l, m, sk, mk, te. 
The only true consonantal clusters observed initially were sk, sp. 
After initial g and k, w occurs. The only final consonantic cluster 
noted was ps. 
The following long consonants were noted: kk, pp, ll, ss. 
Two clusters of three consonants were observed: bsk, nsk, 
An examination of the tables will show that the old view that 
Micmac alone of Eastern Algonquian differed especially from Central 
Algonquian by reason of clusters, is incorrect. 
The consonantal clusters of such words that have known equiva- 
lents in Central Algonquian are due for the greater part to the elimi- 
nation of vowels. Thus Micmac késaptug AFTER HE LOOKED AT IT 
(for kési+a@pi+t+ug; Fox kicdpitag’), wapk IN THE MORNING (Fox 
wabag'), mandu DEVIL (Fox manitow*), elmied HE WENT ON (Malecite 
elimialit WHEN HE (obs.) WENT AWAY, Fox initial stem anemi YON 
way); helno, Penobscot alnobe Inp1an (Shawnee hileni, Ojibwa ineni, 
Fox ineniw*, Cree iyiniw MAN); Penobscot spumki HEAVEN, Abnaki 
spemk HEAVEN (Passamaquoddy spemek nicu, Cree ishpimik, Ojibwa 
ishpiming, Shawnee spemegi, Fox a'pemeg', Peoria pdémingi (cf. Me- 
nominee acpdémiya); Micmac kospemk aT THE LAKE (Passamaquoddy 
kispemuk ON A LAKE; Cree kuspamuw ROAD WHICH GOES BESIDE TIM- 
BER WHERE THERE IS WATER); Penobscot pebonkik IN THE NORTH 
(Fox pepon'+a'kig'); Penobscot wobtegua wiLp Goose (for woab- cf. 
Fox wdépi-, Natick wompi- wHITE); Penobscot n’weweldamen 1 KNOW 
1t (-el-= Fox -dne-); Micmac elmddjig poas; Malecite ulamus (really 
a diminutive), Delaware alum; Ojibwa animosh, Fox anemo, Natick 
anum, Cree atim (for the phonetics see the discussion of Cree, p. 239) ; 
Abnaki kidasni’m' (Sapir) THY STONE (Fox keta’seni‘m’*, cf. Abnaki 
sim‘ STONE) ; Malecite k'?mo‘séba‘ (Sapir) YE RUN (Fox kepemusdpwa). 
When a vowel is lost after 7 (corresponding to Fox n, Shawnee and 
Delaware /) and a consonantal cluster arises this way, or if the/ thereby 
becomes final, the preceding vowel takes an o (wu) tinge; if the preced- 
ing vowel be i, then o attaches itself thereto. To make clear the 
examples of this it is necessary to state that the cluster pw becomes p 
or 6 (note that pw does not occur in the tables given above). Thus 
Malecite kanimiol 1 srE THEE (stem nimi; intervocalic instrumental 
h lost), Passamaquoddy ktekamal 1 STRIKE THEE (-m- is an instru- 
mental particle); compare Fox ke—ne, Shawnee ke—le; for Malecite 
kanimiolpa I sEE you (pl.), Passamaquoddy ktekmulpa I sTRIKE YOU 
(pl.); ef. Fox ke—nepwa, Shawnee ke—lepwa. (It may be as well to 
mention that Fox ke—nepwa is made up of ke—pwa and ne, and is not 
a morphologic unit.) Micmac dagamulkw* HE STRIKES US, inclusive, 
corresponds to Fox -menagwe, in which m is the instrumental particle, 
e the phonetic insert, nagwe (Shawnee -lagwe) the termination for 
