29 
numbers chose to locate farther out in the metropolitan suburbs." 
The blue-collar jobs created by industrial expansion outward remain 
inaccessible to blacks trapped in the inner city.” 
Several solutions to the ‘‘core-ring”’ (inner city-suburban) disparity 
in jobs and industrial growth have been proposed. Some suburbanties 
advocate improving the transportation system between urban ghettos 
in the inner city and suburban industry. This strategy has failed to 
provide positive results.“ Some politicians and many blacks favor 
moving industry back into the inner city.“ This scheme also has its 
drawbacks, and although the problem of providing jobs for inner city 
residents can possibly be handled in the short run by various schemes 
to redistribute governmental revenues and by writing down inner city 
property to make it more attractive for industrial development, a 
preferable long-run solution would involve a major dispersal of the low 
mcome population, particularly blacks.” Attempts to ‘‘open’’ the 
suburbs to urban blacks have been unsuccessful. First, even though 
200,000 middle class blacks are moving to the suburbs each year, white 
hostility tends to confine them to black suburbs. Legally, the suburbs 
are open to blacks. But while the Federal Government and 27 States 
(including Massachusetts) have antidiscrimination laws on the books, 
they are often unenforced.** Another obstacle to opening up the 
suburbs is that each municipality has the power to block any increase 
in its low- and middle-income population—black or white—through 
refraining from taking the positive steps of public interest and subsidy 
necessary to produce moderate and low rent new housing. Although at- 
tempts are currently being made to break down the exclusionary tactics 
of existing suburbs, the chances of significant breakthroughs do not 
seem particularly promising.’ 
The one strategy, however, which does seem to offer a great deal of 
promise is the building of integrated new communities. John Kain 
points out that— 
Even in the face of continuing practices of residential segregation, the suburbani- 
zation of the Negro can still continue apace. The presence of Negroes in the suburbs 
does not necessarily imply Negro integration into white residential neighborhoods. 
Suburbanization of the Negro and housing integration are not synonymous. Many 
of the disadvantages of massive, central ghettos would be overcome if they were 
replaced or even augmented by smaller dispersed Negro communities. Such a 
pattern would remove the limitations on Negro employment opportunities 
attributable to the geography of the ghetto. Similarly, the reduced pressure on the 
central city housing markets would improve the prospects for the renewal of 
middle income neighborhoods through the operations of the private market. 
41 With the new kinds of goods and services being produced in new growth industries and with the improve- 
ment in transport facilities, traditional plant criteria—proximity to supplies and markets—are becoming less 
important and the availability of urban amenities—good water and sewer systems, schools—more impor- 
tant. Land costs have driven the new mechanized industries to the suburbs and elsewhere, but these are the 
very industries offering the greatest potential source of jobs for semiskilled urban dwellers. The new inter- 
state highway system has made it easier to serve a large ubran area from the rim ofa circumferential highway 
in suburbia than from the congested hub ofa metropolitan area. Substantial diseconomies of scale in public 
services in large cities ecourage industry to relocate in suburban areas. (ACIR Urban and Rural America: 
Policies for Future Growth,”’ p. 58.) 
42 J oP een and Martin Persky, ‘‘Alternative to the Guilded Ghetto,” ‘“‘The Public Interest,” No. 14, 
winter ; 
43 Carol S. Greenwald and Richard Syron, ‘Increasing Job Opportunities in Boston’s Urban Core,”’ 
New England Economic Review, January-February 1969, pp. 30-40. 
_ 44 See John Kain, “Race and Poverty’’ (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall), 1968. Also see, for a sammary of 
job creation strategies, ‘“Proposal for Urban Development, Job Creation and Job Upgrading,’’ Laboratory 
for Environmental Studies, MIT, Cambridge, Mass., 1968. 
46 Kain, op. cit., ““The Public Interest.” 
46 The U.S. Justice Department has assigned 13 lawyers to enforce the 1968 Fair Housing Act; they have 
brought 44 cases to court and have won 13 of those cases. eeatt 
47 Paul Davidoff, of Suburban Action in Westchester, N.Y., is attempting to test the legality of discrimi- 
natory zoning practices for the NAACP. 
48 Kain, op. cit., ‘‘The Public Interest.” 
