MCGEKj SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 177 



devifes for fixing and ijerpetuating institutions or for expressing tbe 

 laws embodied therein. Some of these are connected with thaumaturgy 

 and shamanism, some are connected with the powers of nature, and 

 the several devices overlap and interlace in jnizzling fashion. 



Among the Sionan Indians the devices of taboo, kinnames, and ordi- 

 nation are found in such relation as to throw some light on the growth 

 of primitive institutions. While they blend and are measurably 

 involved with thaumatnrgic devices, there are indications that in a 

 general way the three devices stand for stages in the development of 

 law. Among the best known tribes the taboo pertained to the clan, 

 and was used (in a much more limited way than among some other 

 peoples) to commemorate and perpetuate the clan organization; kin- 

 names, which were partly natural and thus normal to the clan organiza- 

 tion, and at the same time partly artificial and thus characteristic of 

 gentile organization, served to comniemorato and perpetuate not only 

 the family relations but tlie relations of the constituent elements of 

 the tribe; while the ordination expressed in the camping circle, in the 

 phratries, in the ceremonials, and in many other ways, served to com- 

 meuiorate intertribal as well as intergentile relations, and thus to pro- 

 mote peace and harmonious action. It is significant that the taboo 

 was less potent among tlie Siouau Indians than among some other 

 stocks, and that among some tribes it has not been found; and it is 

 especially significant that in some instances the taboo was apparently 

 inversely related to km-naming and ordination, as among the Uiloxi, 

 where the taboo is exceptionally weak and kin-naming exceptionally 

 strong, and among the Dakota, where the system of ordination attained 

 perhaps its highest American development in domiciliary arrangement, 

 while the taboo was limited in function; for the relations indicate that 

 the taboo was archaic or even vestigial. It is noteworthy also that 

 among most of the Siouau tribes the liin name system was less elaborate 

 than in many other stocks, while the system of ordination is so elabo- 

 rate as to constitute one of the leading characteristics of the stock. 



At the time of the discovery, most of the Siouau tribes had apparently 

 passed into gentile organization, though vestiges of clan organization 

 were found — e. g., among the best-known tribes the man was the head 

 of the family, thougli the tipi usually belonged to the woman. Thus, as 

 defined by institutions, the stock was just above savagery and just 

 within the lower stages of barbainsm. Accordingly the governmental 

 functions were hereditary in the male line, yet the law of heredity was 

 subject to modification or suspension at the will of the group, commonly 

 iit the instance of rebels or usurpers of marked i)rowess or shrewdness. 

 The property regulations were definite and strictly observed; as among 

 other barbarous peoples, the land was common to the tribe or other group 

 occupying it, yet was defended against alien invasion; the ownership 

 of movable property was a combination of coinmunalism and individu- 

 alism delicately adjusted to the needs and habits of the several tribes — 

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