BANQUET. 263 
not say it in just that way, but they give excuses why it should not be undertaken in its 
full scope at the present time. 
I can understand a misguided national pacifist opposing it, because his general theory 
is to oppose all active aggression, but I do not understand how American men and Ameri- 
can patriots, who believe in preparedness, should neglect such an element in our general 
scheme of preparedness as the merchant marine. 
During the war we needed the ships of the merchant marine far more than we needed 
battleships, as it happened, and of our army of 2,000,000 men who went to France, 500,000 
went in U. S. ships, 500,000 in ex-German ships, and one million in the ships of our allies. 
Men speak of it in different ways and call it different names. Some speak of the law of 
nations; some speak of the Five Power Agreement of the English-speaking peoples. You 
gentlemen and I know that the great bulwarks of this world are Great Britain and the 
United States (applause) and, whether we will or not, we are partners in the enterprise of 
keeping the world on an even keel and on its feet, so not only to the members of this Society 
but to all our guests from abroad I would bring this message—if we are to be partners in 
this great enterprise, it is necessary, gentlemen, that we be partners in deed and in truth, 
as well as in name, and if we are to be partners in deed and in truth, it is necessary for the 
continuance of this partnership that we have the rights of partners, that each of us be as 
independent of the other as we may well be. You and I cannot be partners in business if 
I am dependent upon you to take care of me—that kind of partnership is not a last- 
ing partnership. 
Whether it happens this year, or in the year to come, that the bill pending in Congress 
shall be adopted, I tell you, as sure as we are assembled in this hall, the United States 
will go upon the seas and will stay upon the seas. It is not within the power of any man 
or any set of men to deny that. The spirit of our forefathers filled them with adven- 
ture and sent them here, and the spirit of their sons, if they are worthy of their sires, will 
send them to the four corners of the earth, and will send with them, to care for them, to 
protect them and defend them, the flag of their country, flying on their own ships. (Loud 
applause.) Gentlemen, that is the worthy observation, it is a noble aspiration, and that is 
what we would have our sons do, and those who are wise and who will consult their own best 
interests will try to make it possible for us to get upon the seas, will not consider it an 
offense, will not consider that we are invading anybody’s rights or privileges. We are a 
great country, with a great and growing commerce, we are bound to go abroad, and we 
will go into the commercial No Man’s Land. In that connection we have certain inherent 
rights, one of which is to carry our goods in fair share, and whether it comes by subsidy, 
which I look on as being largely temporary, or in some other way, it will come, regardless 
of what any publicist or publisher may say. 
I believe in the United States as you believe in the United States. It is a great coun- 
try—God Almighty made it great, and men have helped to make it greater. Our future lies 
largely upon the sea, and the heritage of the sea shall be ours, as we deserve it, and we 
will carry a fair share of our own trade to the ends of the earth. 
I believe it is right, and I believe that right-minded people will agree with that 
proposition. 
Some say that an artificial aid is to help you get started. I do not think it is neces- 
sary to tell you that the economists are not the only people who are taking a hand in the 
operations of the world. We hear much about supply and demand; the chief factor, gentle- 
men, the greatest modern factor in business is trial. How can you pay when you have not 
