BOAsJ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 389 



First person: ada ue toul iv\P nE-ivd'lpsyE y.'u'°ta then I saw 



the house of the man {ada then; 7ie I; ictd being; in'^ to see; 



HE- possessive prefix [see § 55]; walb house; -sgE [see § 24]; 



y.'uPt man) 



Third person: ada ivult 6'yUqao\ ^ , , , . , . 

 7 , 7 ^ ^/ „^ana then he hit him 

 adat loid oyitga°\ 



{d) A comparison between the use of the connectives [see § 24] 

 and the personal pronouns shows a strict correspondence between 

 these forms. We have seen that in the indicative, in forms with 

 the third person object, the subjective forms are not used, but that 

 the objective forms are used instead. This corresponds to the 

 peculiar identity of the objective forms of the subjunctive connec- 

 tive (B 1, § 24) and of the indicative of the subjective connective of 

 the transitive verb (A 2, § 24). It seems justifiable, therefore, to 

 state that, in transitive sentences with nominal subject and object, 

 the indicative takes the objective forms in the same way as in sen- 

 tences of the same kind, in which pronominal subjects and objects 

 only occur. 



§ S3. The Personal I*i'onoun in the Wass Dialect 



As stated before, the usage in the two dialects is very nearl}^ the 

 same, and a number of examples may be given here to illustrate the 

 forms of the Nass dialect. 

 Use of the subjective (see § 49, a): 

 (a) Subjunctive forms. 



dm i/iE dEiii ivo'oL qal-ts'a'p good (if) j^ou call the people 2()().13 



{dm good; 'tno'o to call; qal-ts'a'p town) 

 La dm IDE na'h's.gu'eE good (if) you many me 158.2 

 dm dEp d'isd'e'sL qa-dz'a'gavi good (if) we strike our noses 103.8 



{d7n good; d'es to strike; qa- plural; dz'ag nose; -Ein our) 

 at gim'JV^det for their drying them 109.7 {<i preposition; t- o'^ pei". 



subj.; girallx^ to dry) 

 nig'in liwUd'x't I did not know it {ing'i not [takes the subjunctive]) 

 (5)1 I have not found any examples of indicative and emphatic forms 

 {c)\ (see § 49, h, c). 



{d) The verb de-ya to say so (see § 49, d) has the following forms: 

 ne-ya'^ne I say so 

 dsp he'idenom we say so 

 tne-ya'an you (singular) said so 171.5 

 rriESEin he'ide you say so 

 de-ya he says so 65.5 



§53 



