622 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 



yaua' actik.'eld'pxuitxe, yaud' actiJc.'eld' pxuitxe there they turned 

 over each other again and again 127.4 



id'lcoa-y-ext, ia'Jcoa-y-ext Jcand'mtEma one here, one here, both; 

 i. e., one in each hand 45.10 (see also 157.22) 

 As stated before, the forms in -uJc seem to have adverbial meaning. 

 Following are examples of their uses : 



d'lcuk Tcm'qewaTn ike'x ime'xandte there (with that) shaman is thy 

 soul 199.23 {TiLd'qewam one having a shaman's song; i- he; 

 -Jce- indicates absence of object; -x to do, to be; -me- thy; 

 -Icanate soul) 



io'lcuk agd'yutk go itcd'xEmalapIix' here she put him in her arm- 

 pit 50.4 (-tk to put; -TcEmala/plix' armpit) 



aqd'nukct x'ix'o'lcuJc some one looked at me here 30.8 {-Tcct to look) 



Lonas yaxJcu'lc Ltxd'mama loc may be our father is there 29.14 

 (Lonas may be; -mama father; -c to be) 



tcintuwa'^omx qiqolc antsauwl'p!End'nanma-itx tE'JcxEqL he comes 

 to kill me when I always jump in my house 64.25 (tc- he; Ti- 

 me; t- to come; -wa^- to kill; -am to arrive; -x habitually; a- 

 transitional; n- I; ts- probably for s- both [feet]; -auwl- for 

 -dn into them [see § 9]; -pEn to jump; -dn assimilated for -dl 

 always [§ 8] -a-itx always [§ 31.10]) 



Quite isolated is the form ia'xTcati, which appears with great fre- 

 quency. The ending -ti is evidently adverbial, as is shown by the 

 parallel Kathlamet form gipd'tix' there, and nd'hlTcatix' for a little 

 WHILE. It signifies the position near the third person, there, 



id'xkati mo'playa! enter there! 24.5 



id'xkate ay o' La-it there he stayed 76.14 

 Still another form, apparently related to the forms in -uk, is 

 ia'xJcayuk here. 



ia'xkayuk ayd'yam here he arrived 64.24 



ia'xlcayuk nL^sltd'qLa I shall leave it here 186.1 



Kelated to this form may be yukpd' here and yukpd't to this 

 point here. These contain the locative suffix -pa at, which is 

 characteristic of Upper Chinook, but does not.occur in Lower Chinook, 

 while the ending -t is directive and related to the Upper Chinook -ta 

 (see § 55). 



yukpd' id'ma^ atce'lax here he hit him (his shooting he did to. 



him here) 62.22 

 yukpd' ayagEltce'mEX'it here it hit him 153.22 

 yukpd't Ld'yaqso aqze'lax izd'Lqta his hair was made that long (to 



here his hair someone made it on him its length) 156.17 

 yukps't niLe' La-it Ltcuq up to here he stood iij (it) the water 225.8 

 §44 



