404 



DSIHLNAOTHIHLNI DTEDHEZEDHATAZHT 



[b. a. e. 



to remove aberrant particles and to keep 

 them from falling on the picture out of 

 place. When he makes a mistake he 

 does not brush away the colored powder, 

 but obliterates it by pouring sand on it, 

 then draws the correct design on the new 

 surface. The drawings are begun as near 

 the center as the design will permit, due 

 regard being paid to the i:>oints of the 

 compass, which have an established order 

 of precedence in Navaho ceremony. The 

 figures in the periphery of the picture 

 are made last, in order that the operators 

 may not have to step over and thus pos- 

 sibly spoil the finished work, ""^he pic- 

 tures are drawn according to an exact 

 system, except in certain well-defined 

 cases where the artist is allowed to in- 

 dulge his fancy. On the other hand, 

 some ])arts are measured by palms, and 

 not the slightest deviation can be made 

 from the established design. Straight 

 and parallel lines are drawn with the aid 

 of a tightened cord. The naked bodies 

 of the gods are first drawn and then the 

 clothing is put on. The shaman who 

 enacts the part of master of ceremonies 

 does little more than direct and criticize 

 the work. A number of men who have 

 been initiated into the mystery of the 

 ceremony perform the lal)or, each work- 

 ing on a different part, and often spend- 

 ing many hours on one picture. When 

 it is finished, ceremonies are performed 

 over it, aijd then with song and cer- 

 emony it is obliterated. When no sem- 

 blance of it remains, the sand of which 

 it was made is gathered in blankets and 

 thrown away at a distance from the 

 lodge. In the ceremonies of the Pueblo 

 Indians a picture is allowed to remain 

 several days, while the Navaho make 

 and destroy a picture in a day. No per- 

 manent copies of the dry-paintings are 

 preserved by the Navaho; indeed, until 

 recently they had no means of making 

 such copies. The paintings are not made 

 in the summer, hence their designs must 

 be carried from winter to winter in the 

 fallible memories of men; yet the sham- 

 ans declare that the pictures have been 

 transmitted unaltered for many genera- 

 tions. Although this declaration may 

 reasonably be doubted, there is some 

 evidence in its favor. 



During the Sun-dance ceremony of the 

 Cheyenne a dry-painting is made in a 

 lodge to represent the morning star. The 

 field of the painting is of plain sand, and 

 the design is made in a strictly prescribed 

 manner by the use of black, red, yellow, 

 and white dry paint, in order. Dotted 

 lines representing stars form part of the 

 painting, in this case those in white being 

 drawn first because the white stars appear 

 first in the morning. The unbroken lines 



are roads; the white represents the lodge- 

 maker and his wife, the red line the road 

 of the Cheyenne, the black the trail of 

 the buffalo, and yellow the ijatli of the 

 sun. The dry-painting made by the Ara- 

 paho in their Sun-dance ceremony, while 

 of symbolic significance, is of a much 

 simpler character. 



The sand pictures of the Hopi differ 

 consideral)ly from those of the Navaho. 

 Some of the best are made in midsummer 

 during the ceremonies of the Antelope 

 society. In making dry-paintings tlie 

 Hopi chief of the ceremony commonly 

 begins at the periphery and follows the 

 ceremonial circuit of the cardinal points 

 in the use of pigments — first drawing yel- 

 low (north), then green or blue (west), 

 then red ( south ), and finally white (east). 

 The field of the picture, which is always 

 made secretly in kivas among the Hopi, 

 is valley sand sifted on the floor from a 

 basket. These Indians never use cords 

 or other measuring instruments. When 

 the dry-painting is effacetl pinches of the 

 sand used in making it are deposited in 

 prescribed places; e. g., a portion of the 

 sand of an Antelope dry-painting is placed 

 in a shrine of each cardinal point by the 

 Snake chief (Fewkes). 



See Dorsey in Field Columb. Mus. Publ., 

 Anthrop. ser., iv, 1908, and ix, no. 2, 1905; 

 Voth, ibid., in, nos. 2, 4, 1901, 1903; Dor- 

 sey and Voth, ibid., in, nos. 1, 3, 1901, 

 1902; Fewkes in Jour. Am. Ethnol. and 

 Archgeol., iv, 1894, and in various rejjorts 

 of the B. A. E.; Matthews (1) in 5th 

 Rep. B. A. E., 1887, (2) in Mem. Am. 

 Mus. Nat. Hist., vi, 1902, (3) Navaho Leg- 

 ends, 1897; Stevenson in 8th Rep. B. A. E., 

 1891. (w. M.) 



Dsihlnaothihlni ( ' encircled mountain ' ). 

 A Navaho clan, so named from Dsilnao- 

 thilmt., its original home. 

 Dsilano9i'lni. — Matthews in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, 

 in, 103, 1890 (misprint). Dsilnao9il>Sine.— Ibid., 91. 

 Dsilnaopilni. — Ibid. Dsi7nao^i7ni. — Matthews, 

 Navaho Leg., 30, 1897. 



Dsihlthani ('brow of the mountain'). 

 A Navaho clan. 



Bipani. — Matthews in .Tour. Am. Folk-lore, in, 

 101, 1890 (distinct from Bl^a'ni, 'folded arms'; see 

 Iliihani). Bi/ani.— Matthews, Navaho Leg., 30, 

 1897. Dsilpani.— Matthews in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, 

 III, 104, 1890. DsiWani. — Matthews, Navaho Leg., 

 30, 1897. 



Dsihltlani ( ' base of the mountain ' ) . 

 A Navaho clan. 



Dsmia'ni.— Matthews, Navaho Leg., 30, 1897. 

 Dsiltla'ni. — Matthews in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, in, 

 103, 1890. 



Dtakhtikianpandhatazlii ( ' does not eat 

 deer and elk ' ) . Ciiven as a subgens of the 

 Ponca gens Nikapashna, but seemingly 

 an error. 



Xaqti ki Anpa" jfataji — Dorsev in 15th Rep. B. A. 

 E.,/228, 1897. 



Dtedhezedhatazhi ( 'does not eat buffalo 

 tongues ' ). A subgens of the Ponca gens 



